Wednesday, July 10, 2024

Between Axiality and Modernity - Dr. Ravi Sinha


Bhakti Era as the Plebeian Plateau in the Civilizational Landscape of India



We have by now devoted several sessions to mapping the millennial trajectory of the Bhakti Movement across the history and the cultural geography of the subcontinent. Starting with the Tamil lands in the 7th century we followed Bhakti performing the pradakshina of the cultural landmass of the subcontinent, crossing the Vindhyas in its northward journey sometime in the 13-14th century. Our endeavour has been to understand the role of Bhakti in shaping the cultural and the civilizational mind of India. This, in turn, has been motivated by task of making sense of the role this mind plays in contemporary politics and in the rise of fascistic Hindutva in recent decades.

As we stated in the proposal to a previous session, we seek to understand the impact of Bhakti at two different time-scales. On the shorter time-scale of contemporary politics one looks at the phenomenon of communalism. The mainstream of the anti-colonial national movement considered Bhakti Movement as the harbinger of religious tolerance and syncretism that would help evolve the Indian brand of secularism. The subsequent history, however, paints a mixed picture. A social fabric and a cultural mind weaved by the Bhakti ideologies do not offer the kind of resistance to communalism and sectarianism as was expected of them. In our previous sessions we mainly stayed with evaluating the impact of Bhakti at the political-historical time-scale characterized by the problem of communalism and the rise of Hindutva.

On a longer – millennial – time-scale, however, one can evaluate the Bhakti phenomenon in the civilizational context. One can ask something like the Needham Question – why did the Indian civilization, despite its glory and accomplishments in the ancient and the medieval periods, fail to realize its cultural and scientific potentials? Why was it defeated often and why was it eventually colonized? Why did the West forge ahead, why has India lagged behind? Did the cultural mind and social ethos prepared by the Bhakti Movement play a role in the civilizational decline of India? These are very large questions not amenable to easy answers. But one must prepare to wrestle with them as they are of crucial importance for imagining and fashioning a desirable future for India. In this session, we finally arrive at the task of outlining a framework for asking and answering these questions.

For this purpose, we propose to take help of two large concepts – one of Axiality and the other of Modernity. The idea of axial revolutions was proposed for the civilizational breakthroughs that happened in the middle centuries of the first millennium BC in several different and unconnected societies – Judea (land of the Old Testament in the era of prophets), Greece (of pre-Socratic philosophers as well as of Socrates, Plato and Aristotle), China (of Confucius, Mencius and others) and India (of Upanishads, six systems of philosophies, and of Buddha) being the prime examples. We will briefly go through the idea of Axiality and see how we can understand it in the sequence of human cultural and cognitive evolution progressively from the mimetic (pre-linguistic, primarily based on gestures, rituals and body-language) to the mythic (linguistic but largely oral and narrative-based) to the theoretic (rational, abstract, normative and self-reflective). We will try to locate the Indian antiquity in the sequence of cultural evolution.

We will then make a millennial jump and outline the idea of Modernity, which can, in this context, be seen as a new kind of axial transition. The first axial transition did take the civilizations concerned from the mythic era to the theoretic era, but it still depended on the idea of the transcendental to reorder life in the realm of the mundane. The transition to Modernity, for the first time in human history, brings human autonomy to the centre-stage of history and civilization. Elimination of human dependence on the super-natural and on the transcendental is brought explicitly on the agenda and an objective and scientific knowledge of the cosmos is deployed into the service of human emancipation and freedom.

While the Indian civilization was a key example of the axial breakthrough two and a half millennia ago, its transition to Modernity has been faltering and patchy. While this may be true for many civilizations, it is especially disconcerting in the case of India which has had such a glorious antiquity at least in the domains of the mythic and of the theoretic. Of course, entire history of the intervening two millennia culminating in the colonial subjugation at the hands of the modernist imperialists is implicated in the complex and faltering progress of Modernity on the subcontinent and it cannot be explained on the basis of one cause or developments in any single arena. But one can be reasonably certain that the developments in the cultural-religious-civilizational arena play an important role in the civilizational transitions and transformations. The role of the millennial march of Bhakti must be assessed and evaluated in this context.

We will also engage with the theoretical issues that arise in this context of the materialist explanation of historical progress. There is no doubt that the historical breakthroughs and the transitions from one stage of history to the next happen through the push of advancing forces of production and, in this respect, the cultural-civilizational transformations are correlated with the developments in the material conditions of life. But there is a significant difference between the respective dynamics of systems and civilizations. While history progresses through replacement of one system by the next, in case of civilizations the older ones never entirely go out of existence. The older ones merely become the subterranean layers on which new layers arise or get deposited. The mimetic-ritualistic and the mythic, for example, have not disappeared from human civilization even after the axial-theoretic and the modernist-scientific stages have become increasingly entrenched.

Once again, I am not sure whether all this can be covered in one session even at the level of very sketchy outline of the argument. But the idea is to start thinking about these issues which, abstract and theoretical as they may sound, are of critical importance in making sense of contemporary politics and history.

Select Bibliography

  1. Johann P Arnason, “The Labyrinth of Modernity: Horizons, Pathways and Mutations”, Rowman and Littlefield, 2020
  2. Robert N Bellah, “Religion in Human Evolution: From the Paleolithic to the Axial Age”, Harvard University Press, 2011
  3. S N Eisenstadt, “The Great Revolutions and the Civilizations of Modernity”, Brill, 2006
  4. Neville Morley, “Antiquity and Modernity”, Wiley-Blackwell, 2009
  5. Sheldon Pollock, “The Language of the Gods in the World of Men: Sanskrit, Culture, and Power in Pre-modern India”, University of California Press, 2006

Tuesday, May 14, 2024

Dr. Parakala Prabhakar @ Democracy Dialogues Lecture Series on 26th May 2024

 

Democracy Dialogues Lecture Series (Online )
Organised by New Socialist Initiative




31th Lecture

Theme: The Political Economy of New India

 Speaker:   Dr. Parakala Prabhakar(Author, economist and public intellectual)

Date and Time:  26 May 2024 at 6PM (IST)


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About the Talk :

Relentless in exposing the sinister nature of the communal politics of the current ruling dispensation and meticulous in exposing the voodoo economic policies pursued by them which are disastrous to the Indian economy, Dr Parakala Prabhakar is going to speak on ‘The Political Economy of New India’ in this lecture.


About the speaker

Dr. Parakala Prabhakar, is an author, economist, and public intellectual.
He  served as Communications Advisor, held a cabinet rank position in Andhra Pradesh Government between July 2014 and June 2018. He was also a former spokesman and one of the founding general secretaries of Praja Rajyam Party.

For several years he presented a current affairs discussion programme on television channels of Andhra Pradesh. His programmes included Pratidhwani on ETV2 and Namaste Andhra Pradesh on NTV  .

His book of essays ‘The Crooked Timber of New India : Essays on a Republic in Crisis‘ was widely discussed.

Dr Parakala completed his doctorate from the London School of Economics. He did his Master of Arts (M.A.) and Master of Philosophy (M.Phil.) from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.

Sunday, April 21, 2024

(Video)Bhakti Era in North India - A Talk by Dr. Ravi Sinha

 


Dr. Ravi Sinha, Marxist Scholar and author delivered a talk on 'Bhakti Streams of Religious Movements in Medieval North India


Please find pasted below a YouTube link of the lecture. 


Main Presentation Part 1 




Q  &  A session Part 2 


Q & A session Part 3 



Theme : Bhakti Streams of Religious Movements in Medieval North India


Outline

The idea is to take up discussion of the Bhakti Movement as it moves to medieval North India. It is often stated that the Bhakti Movement was born in the Tamil land in the 6th-7th centuries and over the next millennium it made its way to the northern and eastern parts of the subcontinent. In his famous Patel Lectures of 1964, the famous Sanskritist Professor V Raghavan engagingly described the pradakshina yatra (clockwise circumambulation) of the Bharat Bhumi by Bhakti carried on the shoulders of singing saint-poets. Such a narrative, however, can contain only partially the historical truth. It is difficult to locate a singular source of a phenomenon that covered the entire subcontinent and took twelve hundred years to accomplish that. Given its scope and complexity and its temporal span, it is even more difficult to attribute to it a linear historical momentum that would carry it along an identifiable trajectory across the subcontinent.

Our considerations of the Bhakti Movement in the North will primarily focus on the period of 14th-18th centuries, although its antecedents go as far back as the periods of epics, puranas and Bhagavad Gita and its consequences operate and reverberate till today. In North India this movement clearly separates into two streams – the Saguna (worshipping the gods with attributes – invariably anthropomorphic gods) and the Nirguna (worshipping the abstract God without attributes). It is the Saguna stream, represented by the likes of Sur Das, Tulsidas, Mirabai and so on, that claims its ancestry in the Sanskritic era of the epics, the Bhagavad Gita, the Puranas and in the philosophical systems such as the Vedanta. It also fits more easily into the narrative of Bhakti performing the circumambulation of India starting in the Tamil region. The Nirguna stream represented by the likes of Kabir, Ravidas, Nanak and Dadu are more embedded in the North India of 15th-17th centuries, although they too at times claim ancestry in the Sanskritic era. The impact of Islam, especially of the Sufi stream, is clearly identifiable in this stream. Overall, we will attempt to identify the connections of the North Indian Bhakti phenomenon to three separate sources:

-        Vedantic and Pauranik (mostly in the case of the Saguna stream)

-        Yogic and Tantric (as, for example, the Nath Yogis)

-        Influence of Sufi Islam and also of Christianity, Buddhism etc

Time permitting, we will briefly discuss the emergence of a new religion – Sikhism – out of the Nirgun stream of the North Indian Bhakti Movement.

Our discussion will attempt to cover three separate but interconnected aspects of the Bhakti phenomenon:

-        Theological-ideological

-        Social-cultural

-        Civilizational-historical

There exists an enormous corpus of literature on the first two aspects of this phenomenon. We will very briefly summarise the salient features and the debates. It is the third aspect – the civilizational-historical – that brings forth a new flavour to our discussion. Bhakti Movement has often been lauded for its socially progressive impact on Indian culture and civilization. Scholars have contextualized the phenomenon in the social and political settings of medieval North India and many of them have underlined its plebeian and subalternist character that challenged the Brahmanical orthodoxy and the hierarchy of the varnashrama dharma. But the civilizational consequences of the Bhakti Movement have seldom been commented upon. We bring this dimension too into our considerations.

The cultural mind of India and the social fabric at the ground level have been structured and weaved primarily by the Bhakti Movement. It is evident in the role religion plays in personal conduct as well as in the social public sphere. This in turn begins to influence, deeply and widely, the modern political arena of nation, state and democracy. Even if one were to claim that the Bhakti phenomenon played a socially progressive role in medieval India, can one say the same with equal confidence about its ramifications in the contemporary social and political arena?

We ask this question at two different time-scales. On the shorter time-scale of contemporary politics one will have to look at the phenomenon of Communalism. The mainstream of the anti-colonial national movement considered the Bhakti Movement as the harbinger of religious tolerance and syncretism that would help evolve the Indian brand of secularism. The subsequent history, however, paints a mixed picture. A social fabric and a cultural mind weaved by the Bhakti ideologies do not offer the kind of resistance to communalism and sectarianism as was expected of them.

On a longer – millennial – time-scale one can evaluate the aftermath of the Bhakti phenomenon in the civilizational context. One can ask something like the Needham Question – why did the Indian civilization, despite its glory and accomplishments in the ancient and the medieval periods, fail to realize its cultural and scientific potentials? Why was it defeated often and why was it eventually colonized? Why did the West forge ahead, why has India lagged behind? Did the cultural mind and social ethos prepared by the Bhakti Movement play a role in the civilizational decline of India?

Of course, all these are very large and very complex questions. We cannot expect to deal with them in one discussion. But it is important to start looking at the Bhakti Movement in these contexts and in these perspectives. This is what we are trying to do in our series of discussions on this phenomenon.

Short Bibliography

1.     David N Lorenzen – “Religious Movements in South Asia – 600-1800”

2.     John Stratton Hawley – “A Storm of Songs – India and the Idea of Bhakti Movement”

3.     Patton E Burchett – “A Genealogy of Devotion - Bhakti, Tantra, Yoga and Sufism in North India”

4.     P Govinda Pillai – “The Bhakti Movement – Renaissance or Revivalism?”

5.     Richard M Eaton – “India in the Persianate Age – 1000-1765”



About the Speaker :


Ravi Sinha is an activist-scholar who has been associated with progressive movements for nearly four decades. Trained as a theoretical physicist, Dr. Ravi has a doctoral degree from MIT, Cambridge, USA. He worked as a physicist at University of Maryland, College Park, USA, at Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad and at Gujarat University, Ahmedabad before resigning from the job to devote himself full time to organizing and theorizing. He is the principal author of the book, Globalization of Capital, published in 1997, co-founder of the Hindi journal, Sandhan, and one of the founders and a leading member of New Socialist Initiative.

Thursday, April 18, 2024

Prof Sucheta Mahajan @ Democracy Dialogues Lecture Series on 28 April 2024

 

Democracy Dialogues Lecture Series (Online )
Organised by New Socialist Initiative




30th Lecture

Theme: Secularism in a Religious Mode ?-  Gandhi's Practice during Partition '

 Speaker:   'Prof Sucheta Mahajan, Professor of History Centre for Historical Studies, JNU ( retd)

Date and Time:  28 April 2024 at 6PM (IST)


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Meeting ID: 810 5682 9791

Passcode:  433470

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Abstract

The talk looks at the practice of Gandhi in his struggle against communalism in the years leading up to Partition. This is a hugely controversial subject with polarised positions taken by his followers and critics.

The perspective of the talk emerges from Gandhi’s oft quoted but not heeded statement, My Life is My Message. The talk is a reading of a life text in this sense: Gandhi’s mission in Noakhali to mend the social fabric torn by communal riots and spread of communal ideology.

Gandhi’s search for a way out may offer some insights to those sharing his concern for a secular, plural society and polity today.


About the speaker

Professor at the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, till the end of February 2023, Professor Mahajan has been visiting professor and Fellow at different International and National  Institutions.

She was member of the prestigious international research projects such as SPECTRESS and CHCI-MELLON Crises of Democracy, Global Humanities Institute. She has authored and edited many books on India’s Independence Struggle, Partition, Challenge of Communalism, Composite Culture etc

 Publications :

 Towards Freedom: Documents on the Movement for Independence in India, 1947, Parts One and Two, (edited and with an Introduction) OUP, 2013 and 2015.

 Education for Social Change: MVF and Child Labour, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 2008.

RSS, School Texts and the Murder of Mahatma Gandhi- The Hindu Communal Project (with Aditya and Mridula Mukherjee) Sage Publications, 2008.

Composite Culture in a Multi-Cultural Society (Co-edited with Bipan Chandra), Pearson India & National Book Trust, New Delhi, 2006.

 Rites of Passage, A Civil Servant Remembers: H.M. Patel, (ed.), Rupa & Co., New Delhi,2005.

Independence and Partition: The Erosion of Colonial Power in India, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 2000.

(Video) Democracy and Religion in Modern India: Critical and Self-critical Reflections by Professor Rajeev Bhargava

 


Professor Rajeev Bhargava delivered the 29th Democracy Dialogues Lecture on 31th March 2024




Abstract

 "It is widely accepted that 'secular' is an alien category in India. This is too simplistic a view. But even if we agree with it, how come no one has asked if 'religion' is alien to India? My claim is that it is or at least it is as foreign to India as secular is. What are the implications of this thesis? What have been the consequences of religionization on Indian society and polity? How has it shaped Indian democracy? In my presentation, I shall expand these views and show why India needs secularism and in what form."

 

About the speaker

Renowned political theorist and former director of Centre for the Study of Developing Societies ( CSDS), Delhi Prof Rajeev Bhargava is currently an honorary fellow at the Centre and the director of its Parekh Institute of Indian Thought. He has taught at the University of Delhi and Jawaharlal Nehru University (Delhi) and has lectured, taught and held visiting professorships at several international universities.

Prof Bhargava’s work on individualism and secularism is internationally acclaimed. His publications include Individualism in Social Science (1992), What Is Political Theory and Why Do We Need It? (2010) and The Promise of India’s Secular Democracy (2010). His edited works include Secularism and Its Critics (1998), Politics and Ethics of the Indian Constitution (2008) and Politics, Ethics and the Self: Re-reading Hind Swaraj (2022), Bridging Two Worlds : Comparing Classical Political Thought and Statecraft in India and China (2023)

Wednesday, March 27, 2024

Professor Rajeev Bhargava @Democracy Dialogues on 31 March 2024

 



Democracy Dialogues Lecture Series (Online )
Organised by New Socialist Initiative

29th Lecture

Theme: Democracy and Religion in Modern India: Critical and Self-critical Reflections

 Speaker:   Professor Rajeev Bhargava

Date and Time:  31 March 2024 at 6PM (IST)


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Meeting ID: 881 3775 0034

Passcode:  576911

It will also be live streamed at:


Abstract

 "It is widely accepted that 'secular' is an alien category in India. This is too simplistic a view. But even if we agree with it, how come no one has asked if 'religion' is alien to India? My claim is that it is or at least it is as foreign to India as secular is. What are the implications of this thesis? What have been the consequences of religionization on Indian society and polity? How has it shaped Indian democracy? In my presentation, I shall expand these views and show why India needs secularism and in what form."

 

About the speaker

Renowned political theorist and former director of Centre for the Study of Developing Societies ( CSDS), Delhi Prof Rajeev Bhargava is currently an honorary fellow at the Centre and the director of its Parekh Institute of Indian Thought. He has taught at the University of Delhi and Jawaharlal Nehru University (Delhi) and has lectured, taught and held visiting professorships at several international universities.

Prof Bhargava’s work on individualism and secularism is internationally acclaimed. His publications include Individualism in Social Science (1992), What Is Political Theory and Why Do We Need It? (2010) and The Promise of India’s Secular Democracy (2010). His edited works include Secularism and Its Critics (1998), Politics and Ethics of the Indian Constitution (2008) and Politics, Ethics and the Self: Re-reading Hind Swaraj (2022), Bridging Two Worlds : Comparing Classical Political Thought and Statecraft in India and China (2023)

 



(Democracy Dialogues Series Video) Our History, Their History, Whose History? BY Professor Romila Thapar






Prof Romila Thapar delivered the 28th Democracy Dialogues Lecture on 28 th January 2024







Abstract


My purpose in this talk would be to examine the link between history and particular kinds of nationalism. I hope to show that nationalism can be a process, bringing together and uniting all the communities that inhabit a particular territory in support of a change in society or opposing a target common to all. This earlier form is what I would like to call a unitary, integrative nationalism that cut across communities and drew them together in a particular country to support a single purpose. This I would differentiate from the latter forms in some countries which identified with units of society or communities according to certain common features, such as a particular religion or language, or caste or ethnicity. I would call it segregated nationalism, where each community is segregated and treated as having a distinctly different identity and its own separate goal. History is brought in when the community that gives an identity to its nationalism insists on tracing its origins to a historical past. This pattern of integrated and segregated nationalisms would seem to apply to India of the twentieth century. There was the all-inclusive national movement whose participants were from every community; its objectives were to maintain the unity of the Indian people and overthrow colonial rule. The other nationalism, segregated nationalism, was seeded in the 1920s and assumed the existence of two nations – the Hindu and the Muslim – which, it was argued, go back to earlier times. Integrated nationalism succeeded in 1947 in bringing about independence, but its foundations needed strengthening, for we are now witnessing the strong presence of religious nationalism in the attempt to inaugurate a Hindu Rashtra in India.

 

About the Speaker:


Internationally renowned scholar of Ancient History, Prof Thapar was elected General President of the Indian History Congress in 1983 and a Fellow of the British Academy in 1999. In 2008, she was awarded the prestigious Kluge Prize of the US Library of Congress which complements the Nobel, in honouring lifetime achievement in disciplines not covered by the latter.  

 

Prof Thapar has been a visiting professor at Cornell University, the University of Pennysylvania, and the College de France  in Paris and holds honorary doctorates from the University of Chicago, the Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales in Paris, the University of Oxford, the University of  Edinburgh (2004), the University of Calcutta and from the University of Hyderabad

 

Here is a select list of Prof Thapar’s publications

Ashoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, 1961 ( Oxford University Press) ; A History of India : Volume 1, 1966 ( Penguin) ; The Past and Prejudice, NBT ( 1975) ; Ancient Indian Social History : Some Interpretations, 1978 ( Orient Blackswan) ; From Lineages to State 1985 : Social Formations of the Mid-First Millenium B.C. in the Ganges Valley, 1985 ( Oxford University Press) ; Interpreting Early India, 1992 ( Oxford University Press) ; Sakuntala : Text, Reading, Historie, 2002 ( Anthem) . Somanatha : The Many Voices of History, Verso ( 2005)  ; The Aryan : Recasting Constructs, Three Essays ( 2008) ; The Past As Present: Forging Contemporary Identities Through History, (2014) ;Voices of Dissent: An Essay, (2020); The Future in the Past: Essay ( 2023)


(Video) The Leaching of Constitutional Democracy By Mani Shankar Aiya

 




Mani Shankar Aiya  delivered the 27th Democracy Dialogues Lecture on 17th December 2023





Theme  

On the face of it, we are an on-going democracy. We have a Constitution which has been honoured by the present government declaring 26 November as Constitution Day. We have regular elections at national, State and panchayat levels. We have the various institutions of democracy in place: an elected Parliament; an independent judiciary; an accountable executive; and a functioning, non-governmental media. Yet, there is fear all around. a new fear, a fear not seen since the Emergency, that has been spreading over the past decade. Why? Is it perhaps because the "spirit of constitutionalism", as Fali Nariman has put it in his latest work, missing? Can we continue to be the nation envisaged by Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore: "Where the mind is without fear/And the head is held high"? Are we progressing towards or in retreat from that "Heaven of Freedom" of which Tagore sang?. Are the institutions of democracy functioning? Is the Preamble being venerated or violated? Are our civil servants really free? Is our civil society being muzzled? Is the media glowing in the light of freedom of expression? Is the investigative and judicial process being made the punishment? Is the economy in any meaningful sense "socialist" as enjoined by the Preamble? Is the Constitution being reduced in practice to a non-justiciable set of Directive Principles of State Policy? Above all, are we as a nation still 'secular" - again as enjoined by the Preamble? Is Hindutva compatible with the basics and parameters of the Constitution? Is our 'unity in diversity" threatened or is it being revered?What are the challenges ahead that need to be addressed before we cease being the world's largest democracy?

The Speaker

Author of many books and a regular social commentator, Mani Shankar Aiyar, has had a distinguished foreign service career , he was Union Ministers during Congress led government (2004 till 2009) and has handled different ministries. Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas, ( 2004-06) Youth Affairs and Sports (2006-08), and Development of North Eastern Region ( 2008-09).

 Here is a list of few of his publications :

 Memoirs of a Maverick Juggernaut, 2023 ; A Time of Transition: Rajiv Gandhi to the 21st Century, Penguin, 2009 ; Confessions of a Secular Fundamentalist, Penguin, 2004; Rajiv Gandhi's India, 4 vols. (General Editor), UBSPD New Delhi, 1997,  Knickerwallahs, Silly-Billies and Other Curious Creatures, UBS Publishers, 1995 . Pakistan Papers, UBSPD, New Delhi, 1994 ; One Year in Parliament, Konark, New Delhi, 1993 ; Remembering Rajiv, Rupa & Co., New Delhi, 1992 ; Rajiv Gandhi: The Great Computer Scientist of India, Mughal Publishers, New Delhi, 1991 ;  How To Be A Sycophant, NBS, New Delhi, 1990

Tuesday, February 27, 2024

Waiting to Become Eichmann? Unpacking the Moral Relativism of a People

Subhash Gatade

 

Image


“They took so much away from us that they ended up taking away our fear”

— Message scrawled on a placard in a women’s march in Spain

’How does Justice feel?’

A difficult query to answer but perhaps Bilkis Bano would be the best person to respond to it.

Yes the same Bilkis - survivor of a mass rape and the only witness to horrific massacre of her 14 relatives - when the state she lived witnessed a carnage when officially one thousand innocents perished in the communal pogrom and many thousands were displaced from their homes and were condemned to live as internal refugees.

One can still recollect her words when the highest courts of the country finally cancelled the remission of sentences to her perpetrators who had been convicted for this heinous crime. [1].

She frankly narrated her feelings before a reporter.

’It feels like a stone the size of a mountain has been lifted from my chest, and I can breathe again. This is what justice feels like.”

A leading national daily had even published her photograph on the occasion where she was seen smiling looking at her daughter.

Rarely one had felt so happy watching a photograph which showed a mother looking at her daughter.

At another level the smile looked deceptive too.

It was hiding the travails and tribulations of all these years; the long struggle for justice she waged with her husband Yakub, an unequal battle where she had to change houses one after the other to save herself from any repercussions from the rapists and their supporters for not giving up the fight for justice and truth.

It also skillfully covered up the shock she received when the state government - with due consent from the home ministry - decided to release these gang rapists and murderers, prematurely - without even bothering to inform Bilkis or her husband Yakoob- on fraudulent grounds. [2]

Ravish Kumar, the fiery anchor and journalist had discussed in detail the long years of the struggle she had to undergo and the shock of life which she received when the government decided about remission of the sentences of her rapists and murderers [3]

The decision of the Supreme Court clearly demonstrated how the state government was complicit with the perpetrators of the heinous crime and had taken the home minister or his associates in confidence.

In any other more civilised country / or in an ambience where repentance over one’s negative acts was still considered an important gesture, such an exposure would have prompted dismissals or resignations owing moral responsibility for this partisan role. Nothing similar was witnessed here. Forget the Chief Minister or the home minister at the Centre - not a single officer - who was involved in taking the decision or its implementation, received marching orders for this complicity.

For all those people who have watched the state closely it was a foregone conclusion.

It is common knowledge when a sitting Prime Minister prodding the Custodian of law and order in a public meeting then, over his handling of this carnage had not created even a ripple. His talk of observing Raj Dharma was brushed aside.

Or how the highest courts had even commented about the situation existing then when ’modern-day Neros looked elsewhere when innocent children and helpless women were burning..’

Bilkis’s perpetrators are now again behind bars, one just hopes that her smile would not loose its shine very soon.

Times are such that it is not difficult to predict anything as there is a strong realisation within that since around a decade such smiles have become rarer and rarer.

If imagining such a scenario looks difficult for you at the moment, try to bring before your minds eye faces of celebrated women wrestlers - Sakhsi Malick, Vinay Phogat and others, who had electrified the country once when they broke new grounds in an arena which is forbidden for women, who inspired a generation of girls and young women to enter this male-dominated field and create a separate space for themselves.

It is now history that Sakshi Malick declared her retirement from this game with teary eyes [4] or Vinay Phogat has returned her award or Bajrang Punia - another celebrated male wrestler - similarly returned his award in solidarity with their struggle to fight sexual harassment within the establishment.

They realised after a long and arduous struggle that it is easy to beat your opponent on a mat in wrestling but it is extremely difficult - nay impossible - if you have to fight against higher ups among the powers that be. Their quest for justice received support from different sections of society, even section of the media as well.

Despite their best efforts the struggle could not reach its fruition.

What is further disturbing to know is that instances galore how in the last around a decade, girls and women who have faced sexual assaults or have been brutalised by politically and socially influential people have consistently received a raw deal.

Gone are the days of Nirbhaya (2012) which had led to a mass movement in the country which was joined by all sections of society, there has been a sea change in the situation. Those were the days when the nation had rose up in defence of the victim, prompting even the highest courts to intervene and enunciate measures for reform and revision of anti-rape laws.

May it be the case from Unnao, UP when a ruling party MLA ( since suspended ) had come under scanner for his alleged role in the rape of a teenaged girl in 2017 or how the dalit girl from Hathras – who faced gang rape at the hands of her neighbours – was cremated in her own village in the dead of the night without even allowing her parents and others to attend the cremation.

Another self-styled godman - once very close to the ruling establishment - received life imprisonment in rape case last year [5] who was already serving life sentence for raping a minor girl in 2013 [6]. Thanks to the persistence of survivors against heavy odds who faced obstacles at every level.

The frequent parole to the Chief of Dera Saccha Souda, Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh, who is serving a 20-year jail term for raping two women disciples, and the justification provided by the ruling party in the state -has already received widespread condemnation. [7].

It is particularly noticeable that when the victim(s) of such assault(s) is a woman/ girl from the minority community then the viciousness sees a quantum leap.

For example, as already mentioned how rapists of Bilkis Bano who had even murdered fourteen of her relatives ( 2002) were given remission in their sentences by the ruling dispensation and how these rapists / murderers received a hero’s welcome after their release and were even felicitated. (https://scroll.in/article/1030686/in-godhra-bilkis-bano-convicts-felicitated-by-rss-member-soon-after-their-release) and it took around a year and half for the highest courts to order that this remission was illegal and the convicts be sent back to jail.

One can similarly recall the rape and murder of an eight year old Bakkarwal girl Asifa in Jammu. [8] and the national outrage which followed it.

In this particular case this nomadic minor girl from the Bakkarwal community was kidnapped on January 10, 2018 and allegedly raped in captivity in a small village temple in Kathua district after being kept sedated for four days. The motive behind this brutal gang rape and murder was clear from day one, the dominant people wanted to terrorist the Bakkarwals so that they leave that area.

Apart from one Sanji Ram, who was caretaker of the temple, two special police officers and three others were convicted for criminal conspiracy, murder, kidnapping, gangrape, destruction of evidence, drugging the victim etc. The special police officers came in from severe criticism of the courts because they were in the forefront of destroying the evidence.

What had particularly shocked common people across the country that despite enough proof about the sexual assault on the minor girl and the conspiracy behind it, two of BJP’s own ministers led protest marches carrying Tricolour / Tiranga and demanding release of the accused [9] It was a period when PDP had formed a coalition government with BJP and these two ministers of the saffron party namely Chowdhury Lal Singh and Chander Prakash Ganga, had participated in the rally organised by the Hindu Ekta Manch in support of the accused arrested by the state crime branch. [10]

 

India, which loves to project itself as the most tolerant countries on the face of the earth, perhaps presents a contradictory picture.Its outward tolerance or inclusivity does not explain the puzzling question that what makes such impunity towards sexual violence and murders possible among Hindutva Supremacists. It perhaps emanates from the unequal relations between the sexes where the woman is placed at the secondary status.

Like Nazis, who expected women to stay at home, look after the family and produce children in order to secure the future of the Aryan race , [11] from the days of its first Supremo Dr Hedgewar, RSS has always looked at women in hierarchial terms. The second Supremo Golwalkar has even written in his book ‘Bunch of Thoughts’ that ‘women are predominantly mothers who should rear their children.‘ [12]

Fact is that like all other such formations which are pivoted around mixing of giving primacy to particular religion and politics – women’s autonomy, her individuality, her assertion and her opposition to patriarchy and gender oppression are a no go area in the ambit of Hindutva Brigade.

Whether the impunity towards rape in Hindutva fraternity has its roots in how its premier ideologues believed in the politics of revenge in general or how they have justified rape and sexual violence against the ‘others.’ Savarkar, the ‘pioneer ideologue of Hindutva ‘ has elaborated upon it in his ‘‘magnum opus’ Bhartiya Itihasatil Saha Soneri Paane (‘Six Golden Epochs in Indian History)’

This much discussed book discusses Savarkar’s thesis of the ‘collective guilt of Muslims’ and even lays down the thesis that Muslims need to be punished not only what they themselves have done but what their coreligionists had done.

The most reprehensible but also the least known part of Savarkar’s life is the way he criticised Shivaji for his chivalry towards the daughter in law of Nawab of Kalyan who was captured and brought before him by his army. He calls this act perverted virtue. [13]. The legend goes that when one of his enthusiastic assistants presented before him the daughter in law of Nawab expecting to get some special favour, Shivaji not only reprimanded him for such an act but also punished him and sent back the women to her place with full honour. [14]

Savarkar condemns this act by Shivaji and says that Shivaji was wrong as this cultured and human treatment could not evoke in those fanatics the same feelings about Hindu women.

For a layperson now it is easy to comprehend that his condemnation of Chhatrapati Shivaji, a great icon of Hindu-Muslim unity inadvertently or so provides a theoretical justification for brutalisation of women when fighting the ‘enemies’.

The long struggle of Bilkis Bano in search of justice will continue to inspire girls, women of all ages and times.

A long drawn struggle in which she and husband Yakub were quite alone - barring support from stray groups or well meaning individuals, where the overall ambience was that she abandons the struggle.

While she was alone her rapists enjoyed mass support so much so that the state government as well as central government connived to release her perpetrators on fabricated grounds

Her isolation and her long struggle could be easily contrasted with scenes of jubilation on the streets of Madrid, when women of Spain were flashing signs of Viva . Coincidentally it was the same period when her perpetrators were given ’Hero’s Welcome’ and were even declared ’Sanskari’ ( virtuous) by a ruling party MLA.

Here the rapists and murderers of Bilkis Bano were being felicitated whereas streets of Madrid were celebrating successful culmination of six years of Spanishu womens’s joint struggle to render justice to sexual assault victims / survivors.

It was a moment of reaffirmation that how huge rallies in Madrid and other major cities across the country and the growing mass support they received from across the society ultimately had forced the Parliament to address the deep rooted misogyny in its statue books and pass a sexual consent law which clearly said consent cannot be assumed by default or silence.
It had all started after a rape of a 18 year old woman who faced sexual assault by a group of five men (2106) during a bull fighting festival in Pamplona - where the perpetrators were given less punishment of nine years - claiming that she had consented to the act.

Looking from afar it may look unbelievable when one learns that this problematic verdict so much incensed and angered the women there that immediately after the verdict, hundreds of thousands of women flooded plazas in dozens of Spanish cities to protest against the ruling, calling for Spain’s sexual assault laws to be rewritten. [15]
What stirred the women of Spain further was the way this reduction in the sentence of these rapists was welcomed on the ‘men’s only’ whatsapp groups or by statements issued by many right-wingers. This led to further resistance from them, which ultimately tilted balance in their favour.

Thanks to the consistent struggle by women from Spain the five rapists from Spain will have to spend time behind bars for a total of fifteen years.

Thanks to the Women’s movement, which organised itself innovatively to keep its focus on the issue, which also included the first feminist strike on International Women’s Day - which received support from trade unions as well (2018) when more than 5 million workers took part in this first action of its kind. The focus of this unique feminist strike was to highlight sexual discrimination, domestic violence and the wage gap. [16]

The “wolf pack” case, as the brutalisation of the 18-year-old women was called, was also a wake-up moment for the rest of the society which was forced to reflect on its inherent biases and the fetishisation of violence against women, right from increasing violence in ‘intimate relations’ - killing of women by their partners or ex-partners to the wage differentials between them.

It was an irony of sorts that when the Spanish people were deeply introspecting on these sensitive issues and when the Spanish Parliament was debating revision of the sexual consent law, which can further act as a deterrent to sexual predators of various kinds there, more than seven thousand kilometres away from Madrid, the executive in a province in the Western Part of the country which loves to call itself the ‘mother of all democracies’ was exactly walking in the opposite direction. It was giving the final shape to reduction in sentences of 13 convicts who were found to be involved in crimes against humanity, crimes about which any civilised society will always remain ashamed

No sane person in her / his wildest dreams would have imagined that such criminals who even evaded arrests for many years and who tried to threaten and intimidate the survivor and her close relatives after failing to buy her silence, would even be given reduction in their sentences but perhaps the Prime Minister’s home state, his local chieftains wanted to send a message to their base of a different kind.

Lest we forget there was an interesting commonality between the two cases.
The victim/survivor in both the cases never once decided to give up.
Bilkis Bano - the sole survivor in the case - who received all support from her husband Yakoob, refused to stop her fight for justice, despite threats to her life and similarly the 18-year-old woman from Spain never once decided to abandon the struggle for justice and dignity.

Both persisted against heavy odds, against patriarchal notions of society, sectarian mindsets of people.

No doubt, the contrast between the two cases was equally clear rather sharp.
Here were five rapists from Pamplona, Italy who assaulted a young woman during a bullfighting festival, stole her phone and bragged about their macho act on their WhatsApp groups, who ultimately found to their dismay that the quantum of punishment which they had been awarded earlier would be increased ; rapists who were now a disgraced lot, even in the eyes of the people as well, who will have to repent their acts rather alone behind bars
And here seven thousand kilometres from Madrid were these eleven rapists from Gujarat, finding themselves that the life imprisonment awarded to them by the court being remitted and they being allowed to walk free and being accorded a Hero’s Welcome and being felicitated in a city hall.

For the convicts it mattered little that their remission was taking place under controversial circumstances and clearly violating many legal principles, where it was clear that without the central government’s green signal this release would not have been possible..

Many conscientious voices were raised then to cancel their release, even the highest courts of the country were also approached but like the punishment meted out to them after more than six years of struggle, cancellation of remission of their sentences would also prove to be a long struggle.

What the faculty and, staff members of the prestigious IIM Bangalore in an appeal to the Supreme Court had then underlined needs recounting, which emphasised how this act by the Gujarat government “emboldens” perpetrators of such heinous crimes and “extinguishes” the hopes of millions of Indians on the judicial system

Perhaps the last part of their letter which posed a moral query needs to be emphasised more and more wherein they ask what kind of a nation we are turning into if Bilkis Bano is left to defend herself while her violators are given a hero’s welcome.

What kind of a Nation are we turning into?

What kind of a society have we become?

Whereas United struggle by the Spanish women and other people sympathetic to their cause forced the government to bow before their demands, there was no sense of mass revulsion in India - the ‘biggest democracy in the world population wise - about the remission of sentences to them, forget any mass struggle.

A society which once came out in their thousands in the Jyoti Singh Case ( popularly known as the Nirbhaya case), for the cause of justice suddenly going silent when one Bilkis Bano’s perpetrators are set free to wide applause and garlanding and felicitation.

Should we say that our anger is increasingly getting compartmentalised, it erupts only for ‘people of us’ kind

What is noteworthy that the ’jubilation’ one witnessed then on the streets of Surat, when Bilkis’s rapists were released, this absence of revulsion needs unpacking.

It would rather not suffice to attribute it to despicable, anti human world views of the pioneers of Hindutva Supremacism, who had provided theoretical justification for brutalisation of women when fighting the ‘enemies’ but acceptance of such views among the broader populace.

Should it be said that it is just a manifestation of the moral relativism of a people, for whom a violence is no violence if it is for a ’good cause’. ’Vaidiki hinsa hinsa na Bhavti’ ( Vedic Violence is no violence) is a very popular dictum.

Dr Ambedkar had tried to underline or understand this behaviour of an individual in a caste riddden society [17] and critically analysed Hindu Social Order and had explained how individuals are not a basic unit in the Hindu social order because it is based on Varna or class or how it is based on graded hierarchy where punishment for the same offence are based on the principle of graded inequality, for example Chapter 8, Verse 379, he says “Ignominous tonsure is ordained, instead of capital punishment, for a Brahmin adulterer where the punishment of other classes may extend to loss of life.”(-do-)

Before we conclude, we need to accept that the absence of revulsion over such inhuman acts in Indian society or neighbours themselves turning into perpetrators during outburst of communal frenzy is not uncommon. Listen to the testimonies of survivors of communal conflicts and they would narrate such incidents after incidents.

Celebrating rapists, sanitising their crimes or adding an aura to such despicable behaviour is no exception. Since around a decade when lynching of innocents - especially belonging to the sections of social and religious minorities - allegedly for killing a cow or just for bearing that identity, is increasingly being normalised, such images have also become common when the perpetrators of this crime have been welcomed by ruling establishment people. Perhaps one has not forgotten how one Shambhu Raigar, who killed an innocent muslim brutally and recorded the whole act in video, was glorified by people.

It is still a puzzle to fully comprehend this bloodlust among a section of people.it. While a ruling party MLA called these rapists ’Sanskari Brahmins’ and did come under intense criticism from opposition but people around us or ruling over us are no different.

Perhaps a mental exercise would make clear what one wants to say.

Whether readers of these lines would ever welcome in their respective homes convicts of gang rapes and brutal killings of innocents, or perpetrators involved in lynching - who were set free by courts on controversial grounds - and would like to be photographed with them or even felicitate them.

If the answer to this query is yes, then I request you not to proceed further.

Hannah Arendt, who had written on the holocaust tells us that the crimes against humanity which one witnessed then - where 6 million Jews and Hippies etc were sent to gas chambers - were not committed by psychopaths and sadists but by ‘normal, sane and ordinary human beings’ who performed their tasks in a bureaucratic diligence. She also adds that ‘evil becomes banal when it acquires an unthinking and systematic character, or when ordinary people participate in it, build distance from it and justify it, in countless ways. There are no moral conundrums or revulsions. Evil does not even look like evil, it becomes faceless.’ [18]

In fact, her book ‘Eichmann in Jerusalem’ focuses on this issue. It covers the trial of a Nazi era officer Adolf Eichmann, who was literally kidnapped from Argentina by Israel’s secret agents and was taken to Jerusalem where a trial took place. Her ideas about what she calls ‘banality of evil’ took shape in this book itself.

(As of now we will not go into the criticism of the book, which raises questions over the ‘kidnapping of Eichmann’ or raises doubts about Eichmann’s portrayal by Hannah.)

If we are able to discover some ordinariness in the garlanding of gang rapists and murderers and if for us felicitation of such scums in society is normal, then remember you are not much far away from becoming Eichman.


[1https://thewire.in/law/bilkis-bano-supreme-court-gujarat-not-competent-remission

[2https://thewire.in/government/bilkis-bano-remission-bjp-mlas-murli-mulchandani

[3https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JmgdWy8G5YY&pp=ygUVcmF2aXNoIGt1bWFyIG9mZmljaWFs

[4https://m.economictimes.com/news/sports/from-hardship-in-haryana-to-breaking-records-in-rio-wrestling-icon-sakshi-malik-has-come-a-long-way/articleshow/106201320.cms

[5https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/gujarat-court-awards-life-imprisonment-to-godman-asaram-bapu-imposes-fine-of-50000-for-repeated-rape-and-sexual-exploitation/article66453821.ece

[6https://www.cnbctv18.com/india/who-is-asaram-bapu--the-rape-murder-and-other-cases-against-him-15813781.htm

[7https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/chandigarh/dera-sacha-sauda-chief-gurmeet-ram-rahim-singh-to-come-out-of-prison-50-days-9117286/https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/frequent-parole-to-gurmeet-ram-rahim-may-create-law-and-order-problems-punjab-govt/article66579592.ece ; https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/haryana/haryana-govt-justifies-parole-for-sacha-sauda-chief-gurmeet-ram-rahim-says-not-hardcore-prisoner-484216

[8https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/kathua-rape-murder-case-mastermind-sanji-ram-five-others-convicted-by-special-court-1545855-2019-06-10

[9https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/kathua-rape-murder-case-mastermind-sanji-ram-five-others-convicted-by-special-court-1545855-2019-06-10

[10https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/kathua-rape-murder-case-mastermind-sanji-ram-five-others-convicted-by-special-court-1545855-2019-06-10_

[11https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/z2932p3/revision/5

[12https://scroll.in/article/821360/eighty-years-on-the-rss-womens-wing-has-not-moved-beyond-seeing-the-woman-as-mother

[13Bhartiya Itihasatil Saha Soneri Paane, Chapter 4 and 5, P. 147-74

[14Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History, P. 461, Delhi, Rajdhani Granthagar, 1971

[15https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/apr/23/wolf-pack-case-spain-feminism-far-right-vox

[16https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/mar/08/spanish-women-give-up-work-for-a-day-in-first-feminist-strike

[17https://www.roundtableindia.co.in/ambedkars-landmark-essay-on-the-essential-principles-and-unique-features-of-the-hindu-social-order/

[18https://www.thehindu.com/features/magazine/the-banality-of-evil/article5818580.ece



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