Nation’s Honour, ‘IBIs’ and the Dimapur Lynching

- Bonojit Hussain

On 5th of March a mob of few thousands stormed the Dimapur central jail and after having dragged jail inmate Syed Sarif Uddin Khan, brutally lynched him while a gleeful lot clicked photographs of the lynching with mobile phone cameras.

Since the night of 5th March photographs of the brutalized dead body and a video of the lynching has gone viral on social media and activists across the country has rightfully condemned this horrific act of mob lynching. But most activists are under the impression that the outrage and subsequent lynching was because a Sumi Naga woman was allegedly raped by Syed Sarif Uddin Khan on the night of 23rd February. But one needs to understand that the outrage and the lynching of Khan wasn’t primarily about rape of a woman, it was more about how an outsider, more so a ‘lowly’ IBI (a very popular acronym for Illegal Bangladeshi Immigrant), has violated the Naga nation’s honour reposited in the bodies of its women by raping one of its ‘daughters’.

Syed Sarif Uddin Khan was originally from Karimganj district of Assam, and ironically comes from a family of Armymen. It is also true that he had been a long time resident of Dimapur, was married to a Sumi Naga woman and has a three year old daughter. But none of these facts matter because Syed Sarif Uddin Khan will remain an IBI for the lynch mob and scores of other people in Nagaland. This is so because most people in the Northeast believe that all Bengali Muslims are IBIs.

I have written elsewhere that in the Northeast IBI no longer has a literal meaning nor is it about citizenship, it is a racist shorthand, a template; a discursive formation under consolidation since the late 1970s which represent Bengali Muslims in the Northeast as a homogeneous ‘collective’ that is “lesser humans”, “menace” or in its extreme form as “locust”. This discursive formation is constituted through the deployment of series of clichés like sexual virulence, natural (almost genetic) proneness to criminality, uncivilized to the extent of being inhumanly dirty or unhygienic, breeds faster than dogs etc. Deployment of these kinds of clichés has remained the hallmark of regressive process of racializing a targeted group of people throughout the world, much of the anti immigrant racist movements in the first world also deploy similar clichés. The cliché of sexual virulence is made to stand out, so that ever member of the racialized group becomes a potential predator waiting for opportunity to violate the honour of the host nation that is believed to be embodied in the physical selves of the nation’s women.

This discursive formation draws its historical nutrients from the complex and yet unfolding history of the eastern theatre of partition of the sub-continent. In the ethnically balkanized milieu of the Northeast, Bengali Muslims are easiest target of racialized otherization; and this otherization does not become easy because they are different, but because in terms of certain cultural markers they are similar to the perceived embodiment of Bangladeshiness. 

IBI as a discursive formation first got consolidated during the anti-Bangladeshi immigrant Assam Movement (1979-1985) and provided various ethnic/nationality movements in the Northeast with a ready-made template of otherizing Bengali Muslims irrespective of their citizenship status compounded by a tacit impunity regarding killings of Bengali Muslims, which started from the Nellie genocide of 1983 in Assam.

भगवा मंसूबों का गढ़

-जावेद अनीस

Photo Courtesy-Indian Express

मध्य प्रदेश को अमूमन शांति प्रदेश माना जाता है, लेकिन यह सूबा वंचित समुदायों के उत्पीड़न के मामलों में कई वर्षों से लगातार देश के कुछ सबसे खराब राज्यों के सूची में दर्ज होता आया है। एक दशक से ज्यादा बीजेपी के हुकमत के दौर में संघ परिवार ने भी इस राज्य में अपने भगवा मंसूबों को लागू करने के लिए सबसे मुफीद माना है। अगर मुख्यमंत्री शिवराज सिंह चौहान को दूसरे राज्यों में बीजेपी के मुख्यमंत्रीयो के मुकाबले संघ का सबसे ज्यादा फरमाबरदा वजीरे आला माना जाये को कुछ गलत नहीं होगा। पीछे करीब एक दशकों से देश के सेंटर में स्थित इस सूबे में संघ और उसके अनुवांशिक संगठनों को अपने कारनामों को अंजाम देने की खुली छूट मिली हुई है। अब यह सूबा महज प्रयोगशाला नहीं है, यह प्रयोग काफी हद सफल हो चूका है और इसकी जड़ें गहरी हो चुकी हैं। यह मध्यप्रदेश ही है जो सुनील जोशी,प्रज्ञा सिंह ठाकुर,कालसांगरा,देवेन्द्र शर्मा,संदीप डांगे जैसे हिंदुत्ववादी आतंकी संघी आतंकवादियों की शरणस्थली रहा है।

तथाकथित लवजिहाद, जबरन धर्मांतरण के नाम पर लोगों के अपने मजहब और प्यार को चुनने के आजादी पर खुलेआम हमले हो रहे हैं, मध्ययुगीन मानसिकता से ग्रस्त प्राइवेट पंचायतें और जाति संगठन आये दिन लड़कियों और स्त्रियों के सामने जीने और रहने का सलीका सिखाने के लिए डू ऑर नॉट टू डू के लिस्ट पेश कर रही हैं, राज्य में हुकूमत कर रही भाजपा,लगातार ऐसे कदम उठा रही है जिनसे अल्पसंख्यकों में भय व्याप्त हो रहा है। मध्यप्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री ने सरकारी कर्मचारियों से आव्हान कर दिया है कि वे आर.एस.एस. की सदस्यता लें। मध्यप्रदेश में हिन्दू संस्कृति को पिछले दरवाजे से जनता पर लादने का तरीका अपनाया जा रहा है। हर मौके का इस्तेमाल हिन्दू धार्मिक शब्दावली को शासकीय शब्दावली का भाग बनाने के लिए किया जा रहा है। स्कूल शिक्षकों के लिए ऋषि संबोधन चुना गया।इसी तरह, राज्य की बालिका कल्याण योजना का नाम है लाडली लक्ष्मी, बाल पोषण योजना का अन्नप्राशन, व जल संरक्षण कार्यक्रम का जलाभिषेक। स्कूलों में “सूर्य नमस्कार“ करवाया जाता है। राज्य के स्कूलों में योग अनिवार्य भी कर दिया गया था, बाद में उसे ऐच्छिक विषय बना दिया गया। चूंकि अधिकांश हिन्दू विद्यार्थी योग सीखते हैं अतः अल्पसंख्यक छात्र-छात्राओं का स्वयं को अलग-थलग महसूस करना स्वाभाविक है। मध्यप्रदेश में छुटपुट सांप्रदायिक घटनाएं लगातार जारी हैं ही । मध्यप्रदेश में 2009 से 2013 के बीच कुल 432 साम्प्रदायिक घटनायें हुई थीं और इस दौरान मध्यप्रदेश, साम्प्रदायिक घटनायें के मामले में देश में तीसरे स्थान पर रहा है।

मध्यप्रदेश उन चुनिन्दा राज्यों में शामिल रहा है जिसने साफ तौर पर सच्चर समिति की सिफारिशों को लागू करने से इनकार कर दिया था। सच्चर समिति की जो सिफारिशें गरीब मुसलमानों की बेहतरी की दिशा में एक अपरिहार्य कदम माना जा रहा था उन्हें राज्य सरकार सांप्रदायिक अलगाव का सबब साबित करने पर तुली हुई थी। ज्यादा दिन नहीं हुए हैं जब राज्य सरकार ने प्रदेश के सभी थानों को आदेश दिया था कि वो अपने क्षेत्र में ''ईसाई गतिविधियों" से जुड़ी जानकारी जुटा कर भेजें जिसमें कैथोलिक और प्रोटेस्टेंट ईसाईयों की अलग-अलग संख्या, उनकी आर्थिक स्थिती की समीक्षा, विदेशों से उन्हें मिलने वाले धन का ब्योरा, कौन-कौन से ईसाई संगठन आपराधिक मामलों में लिप्त हैं, कौन व्यक्ति उनसे जुड़े हैं और कौन से राजनीतिक संगठन उन्हें संरक्षण देते हैं आदि के जानकारी शामिल थीं। हालांकि बाद में भारी विरोध होने पर इस आदेश को वापस ले लिया गया था।

साल 2013 में मध्‍यप्रदेश की भारतीय जनता पार्टी सरकार ने एक ऐसा फैसला लिया था जिस पर ज्यादा ध्यान उस समय नहीं दिया गया था, राज्य सरकार ने धर्मांतरण के खिलाफ क़ानून में संशोधन कर उसे और ज्‍यादा सख़्त बना दिया गया, इस संशोधन के बाद “जबरन धर्म परिवर्तन” पर जुर्माने की रकम दस गुना तक बढ़ा दी गई और कारावास की अवधि भी एक से बढ़ाकर चार साल तक कर दी गई है। यही नहीं अब कोई नागरिक अपना मजहब बदलना चाहता है तो इसके लिए उसे सबसे पहले जिला मजिस्‍ट्रेट की अनुमति लेनी होगी। यदि धर्मांतरण करने वाला या कराने वाला ऐसा नहीं करता है तो वह दंड का भागीदार होगा। इससे पहले साल 2006 में भी एक ऐसा प्रयास हो चूका था जिसमें मध्य प्रदेश सरकार द्वारा विधान सभा में बिना बहस के ‘‘मध्यप्रदेश धर्म स्वातंत्रता विधेयक 2006‘‘ पास करा लिया गया था। बाद में मध्यप्रदेश के राज्यपाल ने इस विधयेक को एटर्नी जनरल की राय के साथ राष्ट्रपति को भेजा था। भारत के सालिसीटर जनरल ने विधेयक के कुछ प्रावधानों को धार्मिक स्वतंत्रता के मौलिक अधिकार के खिलाफ बताते हुऐ इसे असंवैधानिक करार दिया था क्योंकि इस विधेयक के तमाम प्रावधान मजहबी आजादी के खिलाफ थे। चूँकि राष्‍ट्रपति ने इसे मंजूरी नहीं दी थी इसलिए पहला प्रयास विफल रहा था दूसरा प्रयास लगभग सात साल बाद 2013 में हुआ जो सफल रहा। 

गौरतलब है कि पुराने धर्म स्वतंत्रता विधेयक धर्म स्वतंत्रता विधेयक 1968 में धर्म परिवर्तन से पहले जिला मजिस्‍ट्रेट से लिखित में अनुमति लेने की कोई जरूरत नहीं होती थी, लेकिन कानून में यह प्रावधान था कि धर्म परिर्वतन के एक माह के भीतर प्रशासन को इसकी सूचना देनी होगी।इस पूरी कवायद के पीछे संघ परिवार द्वारा प्रचारित “आदिवासियों के ईसाई करण” का वाही बहुप्रचारित तर्क है, हालांकि वहीँ दूसरी तरफ संघ परिवार खुद आदिवासी के हिन्दुकरण की कवायद में बहुत जोर शोर से लगा है। लेकिन विधेयक के संशोधन द्वारा संघ परिवार के संगठनों द्वारा आदिवासियों के घर वापसी जैंसे कर्मकांड करके धर्मान्तरण करने पर कोई रोक नहीं लगायी गयी है।

संघ परिवार और मध्य प्रदेश सरकार द्वारा मजहब चुनने के आजादी पर रोक कितनी सफलता पूर्वक लागू है यह पिछले दिनों हुई एक घटना से समझा जा सकता है, ग्वालियर संभाग के शिवपुरी जिले में स्थित बुकर्रा गांव में कुछ दलितों ने इस्लाम धर्म अपना लिया था, धर्मांतरण को लेकर दक्षिणपंथी हिन्दू संगठनों ने बहुत शोर मचाना प्रारंभ कर दिया। उन्होंने इस धर्म परिवर्तन को हिन्दू समाज के ऊपर एक नियोजित हमला बताया। कुछ अस्थानीय समाचारपत्रों ने भी ऐसी खबरें छापी की यह धर्म परिवर्तन जोर-जबरदस्ती से कराया गया है। हालांकि बाद में धर्म परिवर्तन करने वालों ने इससे इनकार करते हुए कहा कि उन्होंने किसी के भी दबाव में आकर धर्म परिवर्तन नहीं किया है।

पूरे बहस में किसी ने भी यह जानने-समझने का प्रयास नहीं किया कि आखिर वे क्या वजहें थीं जिसके चलते दलितों को अपना धर्म छोड़कर इस्लाम स्वीकार कर लिया, इसे एक पुरानी घटना से समझा जा सकता है, घटना सितम्बर 2010 की है, मुरैना जिले के मलीकपूर गॉव में एक दलित महिला ने ऊँची जाति के व्यक्ति के कुत्ते को रोटी खिला दी थी। जिस पर कुत्ते के मालिक का कहना था कि एक दलित द्वारा रोटी खिलाऐ जाने के कारण उसका कुत्ता अपवित्र हो गया है। गॉव के पंचायत ने सजा के तौर पर दलित महिला को उसके इस ‘‘जुर्म’’ के लिए 15000रु दण्ड़ का फरमान सुना दिया गया। हाल में ही नेशनल काउंसिल ऑफ एप्लाइड इकोनॉमिक रिसर्च (एनसीएईआर) और अमेरिका की यूनिवर्सिटी ऑफ मैरिलैंड द्वारा किये गये एक स्टडी के अनुसार छुआछूत को मानने के मामले में मध्य प्रदेश पूरे देश में शीर्ष पर है। सर्वे के अनुसार मध्य प्रदेश में 53 फीसद लोगों ने कहा कि वे छुआछूत को मानते हैं, चौंकाने वाली बात यह रही की उत्तर प्रदेश और बिहार जैसे प्रदेश भी इस सूची में मध्य प्रदेश से पीछे है।

दरअसल मध्य प्रदेश हमेशा से ही दलितों पर अत्याचार के मामले में ऊँचे पायदान पर रहा है। सरकारी आंकड़े बताते हैं कि दलित अत्याचार के केवल 29 फीसद दर्ज मामलें में ही सजा हो पाती है, 71 फीसदी मामले तो लबिंत रहते हैं। मध्य परदेश में नाई द्वारा बाल काटने को मना कर देने, चाय दुकानदार द्वारा चाय देने से पहले जाति पुछना और खुद को दलित बताने पर चाय देने से मना कर देना या अलग गिलास में चाय देना, दलित पुरुष पंच/सरपंच को मारने पीटने और दलित महिला पंच/सरपंच के साथ बलात्कार, शादी में घोड़े पर बैठने पर रास्ता रोकना और मारपीट करना, मरे हुए मवेशियों को जबरदस्ती उठाने को मजबूर करना, मना करने पर सामाजिक-आर्थिक बहिष्कार कर देना आदि जैसी घटनाऐं बहुत आम हैं, जो दलितों के आम दिनचर्या का हिस्सा बन गये लगते हैं। 

करीब 1200 लोगों की आबादी वाले बुकर्रा गांव की स्थिति भी अलग नहीं है यहाँ भी आर्थिक, सामाजिक स्थिति जिले के दूसरे गांव की तरह है। गांव में सबसे ज्यादा आबादी जाटवों की है, तो दूसरे नंबर पर ब्राह्मण समुदाय के लोग हैं। जाटवों का मोहल्ला हर गांव की तरह यहां भी अलग-थलग है। दलितों की आर्थिक स्थिति सबसे बदतर है और उनके साथ हर क्षेत्र में भेदभाव बहुत आम है, फिर वो चाहे अतिवर्षा से मिलने वाले मुआवजे या खेती के लिए मिली हुई जमीन पर खेती करने का मामला हो या रोजगार योजना के अंतर्गत काम मिलने का मामला हो, सभी मामलों में दलितों के साथ भेदभाव होता है।

दलितों द्वारा इस्लाम स्वीकार करने के बाद हिन्दूवादी संगठन सक्रिय हो गये और उन सब पर दबाव बनाया जिनने इस्लाम स्वीकार कर लिया था या करने वाले थे। चूंकि मध्य प्रदेश के कानून के अनुसार कोई भी नागरिक बिना शासन को सूचित किए धर्म परिवर्तन नहीं कर सकता और इन लोगों द्वारा धर्म परिवर्तन की सूचना नहीं दी गयी थी इसलिए जिले के प्रशासन ने भी धर्म परिवर्तन करने वालों के खिलाफ कानूनी कार्यवाही शुरू कर दी। प्रशासन और कानून के नज़र में वे अपराधी समझे गये। इसी दौरान हिन्दुवादी संगठनों ने इन लोगों पर दबाव बनाना शुरू किया और खुलेआम चेतावनी देने लगे कि अच्छा होगा की वे जल्द ही इस्लाम धर्म को त्याग कर फिर से हिन्दू बन जायें। ‘इंडियन एक्सप्रेस’ में छपी एक खबर के अनुसार हिन्दू संगठनों द्वारा बुकर्रा और आसपास के गांव में अतिवादी हिन्दू संगठनों द्वारा दलित समाज के लोगों को इकट्ठा कर उनको धर्म परिवर्तन की घटना के विरूद्ध भड़काया गया। बैठक भी हुई और जिसमें इस बात को लेकर विचार किया गया कि जो दलित इस्लाम स्वीकार करना चाहते हैं उनके विरूद्ध क्या कार्यवाही की जाये। इस कार्यवाही में उनकी फसलों को जलाना, उनके ऊपर जुर्माना लगाना हो सकता है।

[DUTMM Statement] Victory for Security Workers at Delhi University Hostel

- Statement by Delhi University Theka Mazdoor Manch (DUTMM), 4th March, 2015

On the evening of the 3rd of March, 2015, house-keeping & sanitation workers and security guards of UGHG (Under-graduate Hostel for Girls) Dhaka Hostel Complex informed DUTMM (Delhi University Theka Mazdoor Manch) about the sudden removal of 16 security guards under Knight Watch Agency. The Section Officer had been asked by the hostel authorities to convey the immediate dismissal of the security guards to the supervisor. DUTMM along with the workers reached the hostel premises early this morning in protest against this unjust decision of the hostel authorities. There was no written notice of the removal. And we also found out that the field officer of Knight Watch Agency had no complaints against any of the workers. After hours of protest at UGHG along with student residents of the hostel, the Provost Prof. Rita Kakkar finally agreed to meet representatives of DUTMM.

The charges of the removal of 16 security guards (of which one had to be retained for about 2 weeks to train new guards) was dismissed by the Provost constantly as a case of 'miscommunication'.

Finally, under pressure from the protest, the Provost conceded to sign a tripartite agreement letter. The signatories to the agreement letter were representative of DUTMM, Provost and Resident Tutor, and Student Representatives of the hostel. However, the Provost, even after signing the agreement letter, repeatedly reiterated the management committees informal discussions about rotating/shifting workers periodically so that the workers do not familiarise themselves to their workplace and start unionising. 

It was agreed upon by all signatories that:

1. A representative committee constituted by hostel authorities, office staff, security guards, safai karmacharis, mess workers and students in order to redress grievance and complaints.

2. The safai karamcharis currently employed in hostel be retained on renewal of contract or contracting of new contractor.

3. The information of removal of 15 security guards was an instance of misinformation from the office.

4. A Students' Union be instituted in the hostel at the earliest on an urgent basis after a meeting with the students.

5. Minimum wages and ESI and PF be ensured to all workers in the hostel.

6. A letter will be written to the University in order to ensure payments of back wages and arrears of workers employed in the hostel being paid wages below minimum wages.

Down with contractualisation of work!! Long live workers-students-teachers solidarity!!

Below is a digital copy of the original agreement letter:

We are all Mukto-Mona

- Subhash Gatade

‘Our aim is to build a society which will not be bound by the dictates of arbitrary authority, comfortable superstition, stifling tradition, or suffocating orthodoxy but would rather be based on reason, compassion, humanity, equality and science’.
- Avijit Roy

“Dr Dabholkar who was fighting against superstition was assasinated because he was a rationalist. All such people who have embarked upon a path of reason and rationalism, propagated these ideas, had to make tremendous sacrifices. Dr Dabholkar was not the first and would not be the last person who sacrificed himself on the altar of rationalism. This unending struggle between rationalism and irrationalism is going on since ages and it is for you to decide whether it needs change or not.”
- Comrade Pansare

Words, ideas scare fundoos rather fundamentalists of every kind, colour and stripe.

The mere possibility that a free mind can question, challenge and ultimately upturn the ‘ultimate truth’ the faithful have received through their ‘holy books’ rather unnerves them and they react in the only way they are familiar with. Resort to machetes to take on ideas or use meat cleavers to deal with unchained minds, quoting sanction from the same ‘books of wisdom’.

Close on the heels of one such silencing of voices of reason, sanity, justice, progress on the streets of Kolhapur (India) – assassination of 82 year old Communist leader Com Govind Pansare by Hindutva zealots – has come the news about similar killing of 42 year old Avijit Roy, by machete wielding Islamist militants on the streets of Dhaka (Bangladesh), when the prominent Bangladeshi-American blogger, a author, an advocate of free expression, scientific ideas and secularism, was coming out of the Ekushe book fair along with his wife Rafida Ahmed Bonna. She was also badly wounded in her attempt to shield Avijit from attackers and is now admitted to ICU.

Apparently there was nothing common between Comrade Pansare and Avijit, while Com Pansare had been active with the Communist movement since his young days in various capacities and wrote in Marathi lambasting the Communal and casteist forces and was equally at ease in leading people’s movement against toll tax and participating vigorously in anti-superstition campaigns, whereas Avijit happened to be a software engineer by profession, who had started the bilingual website ‘Mukto-mona’ (Free Mind) in 2000 which was very popular among free-thinkers, rationalists, skeptics and humanists and was also in the forefront of coordinating international protests against government censorship and imprisonment of bloggers back home.

It is a different matter that both shared equal antipathy towards religious extremism of every kind and had taken upon themselves the task of combatting it in every possible way at tremendous risk to their own selves. Threats were part of their lives, not some time ago one such zealot had even threatened Com Pansare with a warning that ‘Tumcha Dabholkar karu’ (You will face consequences like Dabholkar) in a unsigned letter, reminding him of the assassination of a great fighter for rationalism in July 2013 and Avijit also continued to face similar threats regularly through emails and on facebook. It is now history none of them decided to tone down their attacks against obscurantism, closing of minds and what Avijit use to say ‘virus of faith’.

It is worth emphasising that both of them also shared passion for words.

Com Pansare wielded pen like a sword and wrote articles, booklets, books in Marathi to sensitise people around and awaken them from deep slumber. Many of his books have gone into multiple editions but his most popular monograph is ‘Shivaji Kon Hota?’ (Who was Shivaji) – which has sold more than one lakh copies and has been translated in few other languages as well. In this booklet, Com Pansare had tried to counter the appropriation of medieval era King Shivaji’s by Hindutva Supremacist forces who projected his image of a ‘Hindu King’ opposed to Muslims. Pansare with painstaking research threw light on his policies and administration and provided documentary proof that he had many Muslims in top positions of his army and one of his close comrade in his escape from Aurangjeb’s custody was Madari Mehtar and thus tried to present a very balanced picture of his contributions. In an ambience dominated by the likes of RSS and Shiv Sena, his little monograph captured imagination of the ordinary people and acted as a ‘weapon’ in the hands of individuals, formations who were fighting for an inclusive polity. Challenging communal elements from both the communities he emphasised that it is high time that people recognise their composite heritage and build solidarities cutting across caste, communities.

हम सब पानसरे

– सुभाष गाताडे

अभी पिछले साल की बात है जब जनवरी के मध्य में महाराष्ट्र के कोल्हापुर में ‘डा दाभोलकर की हत्या और तर्कशीलता/विवेकवाद’ विषय पर बोलते हुए कामरेड गोविन्द पानसरे, ने एक अहम बात कही थी कि अंधश्रद्धा के खिलाफ संघर्षरत रहे डा दाभोलकर की हत्या इसी वजह से हुई क्योंकि वह विवेकवादी थे। उनका कहना था कि

‘ऐसे सभी लोग जिन्होंने तर्कशीलता का रास्ता अपनाया, उसका प्रचार किया, उन तमाम लोगों को कुर्बानी देनी पड़ी है। तर्कशीलता की बलिवेदी पर अपने आप को न्यौछावर करनेवाले डा दाभोलकर न पहले शख्स हैं और न आखरी। तर्कशीलता और तर्कशीलता विरोध का यह संघर्ष आदिम काल से चल रहा है और उसमें बदल करना है या नहीं इसके बारे में आप को फैसला लेना होगा।’

निश्चित ही उस वक्त़ किसे यह गुमान हो सकता था कि महज एक साल के अन्दर शहीदों की इस गौरवशाली परम्परा में उनका नाम भी जुड़ जाएगा।

20 फरवरी 2015 को मुंबई के ब्रीच कैण्डी अस्पताल में कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी के इस वरिष्ठ नेता ने अपनी अन्तिम सांस ली। 16 फरवरी को सुबह जब वह अपनी पत्नी उमा के साथ सुबह टहलते हुए लौट रहे थे, तब मोटरसाइकिल सवार युवकों ने उन पर गोलियां चलायी थी। अपनी लम्बी जिन्दगी लेखन से लेकर आन्दोलन, संगठन निर्माण से लेकर रचनात्मक काम आदि तमाम मोर्चों पर एक साथ सन्नद्ध रहा यह सेनानी, चार दिन जिन्दगी और मौत से संघर्ष कर, यह जंग हार गया। इसे विचित्र संयोग कहा जा सकता है कि डा दाभोलकर की मौत और उनकी मौत के तरीके में भी एक समानता थी, मोटरसाइकिल पर सवार युवकों ने दोनों पर तभी गोलियां चलायी गयीं जब वह सुबह टहल कर लौट रहे थे।

अगले दिन कोल्हापुर शहर में हजारों लोगों के जनसमूह ने अपने इस प्रिय नेता को अपना आखरी लाल सलाम पेश किया। ‘जो हिटलर की चाल चलेगा, वह हिटलर की मौत मरेगा’ ‘कामरेड पानसरे अमर रहे’ जैसे नारों के बीच बिना किसी धार्मिक विधि के सम्पन्न उनके अन्तिम संस्कार में उनकी बेटी स्मिता, बहू मेघा और पोतों ने उनकी चिता में अग्नि प्रज्वलित की। इस हत्या के विरोध में और अपराधियों की गिरफतारी की मांग को लेकर कोल्हापुर और महाराष्ट के तमाम हिस्सों में स्वयंस्फूर्त बन्द का आयोजन किया गया।

जिला नगर के ग्राम कोल्हार में जनमे /26 नवम्बर 1933/ कामरेड पानसरे की महाविद्यालयीय शिक्षा प्रिन्स शिवाजी मराठा बोर्डिंग में हुई, बाद में उन्होंने राजाराम कॉलेज से स्नातक की पदवी ली और फिर नौकरी करते हुए कानून की परीक्षा भी पास की। और 1952 से ही कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी का काम शुरू किया। और गोवा मुक्ति संग्राम से लेकर संयुक्त महाराष्ट आन्दोलन, महंगाई के खिलाफ आन्दोलन या बांधपीड़ितों की लड़ाई या अंधश्रद्धा के खिलाफ संघर्ष जैसे तमाम कामों में वह लगातार सक्रिय रहे। बहुत कठिन परिस्थिति में पले बढ़े पानसरे ने जीविका चलाने के लिए कभी अख़बार बिक्रेता और नगरपालिका में चपरासी जैसी नौकरी भी की। बाद में वह कोल्हापुर बार एसोसिएशन के अध्यक्ष भी बने, शिवाजी विद्यापीठ के पत्रकारिता विभाग में वह कुछ समय तक सहयोगी व्याख्याता के तौर पर भी सक्रिय रहे।

[PADS Statement] Expression of Concern Over Disruption of Discussion on a Book by the Author Noor Zaheer

People’s Alliance for Secularism and Democracy (PADS)

Press Release

Date: 23 February 2015

Expression of Concern Over Disruption of Discussion on a Book by the Author Noor Zaheer

People’s Alliance for Secularism and Democracy (PADS) is alarmed to learn that the short story writer and novelist Noor Zaheer, who is the author of a new book titled ‘Denied by Allah’ faced a disruption of a discussion on her book at the World Book Fair in Delhi on 22 February 2015; We condemn any attempts to threaten and to silence an exponent for women’s rights in India. We fully defend her rights to publically signal how religious laws, injunctions and practices impede on women’s rights.

We would like to alert all in the media, and secular minded groups that they should provide space to highlight the views expressed by Noor Zaheer. We are concerned about the well-being of the author and her publisher. The freedom to express opinions is one of the key hallmarks of any democratic society, and threats to these should be taken seriously without fear of hurting anyone’s sentiments.

Released in New Delhi

by Dipak Dholakia, Dilip Simeon, and Sanjay Kumar

On behalf of PADS

Delhi University Contract Workers Forum Registers Protest over Prof. Thapan's Appointment as Provost

09/02/2015

DELHI UNIVERSITY THEKA MAJDOOR MANCH

Contact: ducontractlabourforum@gmail.com| +919013074978

Open Letter to University of Delhi administration

To,

The Dean of Colleges,

University of Delhi,

Delhi.

We strongly condemn the University’s decision to appoint Prof. Meenakshi Thapan of the Department of Sociology as the Provost of the International Students’ House for Women (ISHW). As is publicly known, Prof Thapan was the Provost of the neighbouring Ambedkar-Ganguly Students’ House for Women (AGSHW) till July 2014, after which she resigned from the position in face of criticism and opposition from the hostel’s Managing Committee. These stemmed from numerous complaints about misbehaviour and/or infringements of the rights of contract workers in that hostel under Prof. Thapan’s management. The gravity of these complaints and irregularities can be gauged from the following:

• In the past few years, whenever complaints about misbehaviour of hostel administration or infringements of the rights of contract workers were taken to the authorities of the AGSHW, the contract workers in question – sanitation workers and security guards for the most – were instantly dismissed, despite good service record of many years’ standing. 

• Sanitation and housekeeping workers have been made to work at the Provost and Resident Tutor’s houses during the hours when they were supposed to do their duties in the hostel. This labour was extracted through the constant humiliation and threats of job loss and was a norm under Prof. Thapan’s tenure. 

• Given the above, members of the University’s SC/ST Employees’ Welfare Association had also intervened to communicate their knowledge of such behaviour. 

• Over the previous three academic sessions, residents of the hostel who were part of the Students’ Welfare Committee have repeatedly issued formal complaints against her management to office-bearers in the administration. Similarly, Prof. Thapan’s mismanagement of the hostel’s financial affairs in 2010, negligence of duties in times of crisis and constant harassment of workers have also been made public from time to time by the Students’ Welfare Association of the AGSHW. 

It was only after the persistent intervention of members of the New Socialist Initiative (NSI), hostel residents and faculty members on the hostel's Managing Committee concerned over violation of the law that the wages in the hostel were raised to the legally stipulated minimum wage. However, the non-payment of arrears to all those workers who worked below minimum wages for several years before is as yet an unresolved issue. 

These and other matters relating to mismanagement under Prof. Thapan’s tenure as Provost to the AGSHW are in the public domain as public record. Two separate Managing Committees of the AGSHW over the last two academic sessions would be able to confirm these violations and attest to the changes effected in the running of the hostel to avoid the possibility of further disturbance caused by the Provost’s mismanagement. It should be noted that while neighbouring hostels attempted to resolve these issues through negotiations and dialogue, no such interaction was possible under Prof. Thapan’s management. Significantly, it should further be noted that:

• on 8th April 2014, a safai karmachari of AGSHW was humiliated and abused by the Provost and her husband, while he was working at her residence. Following his refusal to work in the Provost’s residence and request to be given duties within the hostel premises only, which is in keeping with his job description and rules of the hostel, he was further victimised. Workers' solidarity and concern among the student residents on this issue drew the ire of the Provost, who then removed 5 out of 6 sanitation workers and 6 security guards from their jobs at the hostel. 

• on 1st July 2014, AGSHW brought to our notice that on the occasion of his overnight dismissal from his job, a security guard was told by the Resident Tutor to take off his uniform given to him by the hostel and return home shirtless. Such bodily humiliation of people, some of who belong to the Dalit community is clearly punishable under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) act 1989. 

Hence, despite being aware of her violations of the Minimum Wages Act and her committing acts of humiliation that are tantamount to a violation of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989, the University administration’s decision to reappoint Prof. Thapan to a similar position where she can exercise power over contract labourers is shocking and deeply disturbing. Apart from Prof. Thapan’s resignation on the same issue, we are witness to no action by the University. Instead, Prof. Thapan’s reinstatement as the Provost of the neighbouring hostel within the same hostel complex seems like a sanction her illegal and inept management from the University itself and cannot but be seen as an act of disrespect for human dignity.

In light of these widely known public concerns, we demand that the University authorities revoke the appointment of Prof. Thapan as the new Provost of the International Students' House for Women. The University should provide a fair and rational work environment, instead of making the staff insecure and fearful of daily bullying and humiliation as soon as they step into their work site. We also endorse the following demands made by the NSI in its letter dated 7th July 2014 to the Chairperson of the Managing Committee of the AGSHW and hope that these will be met before this academic session is over:

1. An immediate end to the continuous harassment and victimization of workers, and their reinstatement. 
2. The removal of the Provost and the Resident Tutor and legal action against the former. 
3. A grievance redressal mechanism to prevent and deal with future incidents of humiliation. 

In addition, the NSI asked that:

1. Given the past record of private contractors and the lack of compliance with the law, the University must not privatize regular work of the hostel. 
2. All past arrears of workers must be settled with immediate effect. 
3. The minimum wages should be increased to a living wage of Rs. 12,000 per month.
4. The number of sanitation and housekeeping workers must be increased as they have diminished over the last two years. 
5. All official communication with workers must be in a language they understand. 

We hope that you will take cognisance of the grave violations of not just the law of the land but also basic tenets of human dignity at stake in this matter and act in a just, non-discriminatory manner.

Sincerely,

Delhi University Theka Mazdoor Manch

**********

For a background see Violation of Labour Laws and Constant Humilation, Victimisation of Hostel Workers

Long Live Charlie Hebdo! : A letter to the left leaning in wake of Charlie Hebdo shootings of January 2015

- Harsh Kapoor

[This article first appeared on South Asia Citizens Web (sacw), to read it on sacw please click here. A slightly edited version of the below article is appearing in Mainstream Weekly, 31 January 2015]

The January 2015 terror attack on the Paris satirical weekly and its gross misinterpretation by people of Left liberal sensibilities in India and much of the world.

We recently witnessed a devastating terror assault by fanatics who gunned down close to 200 children in a school in Peshawar. Was this a desperate cry of the dispossessed in Pakistan? I am glad that the various tiny fractions of the left in Pakistan stood up and condemned it openly, some in India also stood up for the first time. It provoked widespread shock and disdain.

But the terrorist assassination of 12 cartoonists, journalists and workers at Charlie Hebdo in Paris on 7 January 2015 has provoked very different reactions. Geographical location of the murder seems to drive this.

I am utterly astounded and shocked at the manner in which many in the left leaning and liberal circles in India have reacted to the devastating terror attack in Paris. Has a section of left gone mad? Why do they have to deflect a straight forward issue and start providing rationalisation for terror attacks from the Muslim fundamentalists. We are being given an endless spiel on French colonisation, the war for decolonization in Algeria, the exclusion of the so-called Muslim ‘community’ in France, the blowback for France’s foolish involvement in the recent wars in Libya and Syria and so on. The role of poor and dispossessed is being invoked.

Commentators from the anglo saxon world and even our desi left intelligentsia who are waxing eloquent on the Charlie Hebdo massacre are making the most absurd amalgam between the French establishment and a truly radical far left wing magazine which shared absolutely nothing in common.

Charlie Hebdo is presented as the center of all evil that existed ever and that it had it coming, that their cartoons were racist and hurt sentiments. All this reminds me of 1989 and the Rushdie affair when this hurt sentiment industry made it big and has since become globalised. India’s Picasso, M.F. Hussain, was forced to leave his country by the wrath of the Hindu Far Right, all in the name of hurt sentiments. Many of the same radicals who stood by M.F. Hussain are now shamelessly standing up with free rationalisation for the Charlie Hebdo killers. Why such different treatment for different religio-fundamentalist strands? Were the poor and dispossessed involved in going after M.F. Hussain or in the assassination of M.K. Gandhi? What about the assassination of Salman Tasseer? Poor and oppressed, any takers?

Charlie Hebdo was born in rebellious times of May 1968 in France. It had been preceded by other radical magazines like Hara Kiri and Enragé and many others. But they are in many ways part of a lineage of a very long historical tradition dating back to the French revolution and Jacobins of radical caricature making and mocking the powers that be — religious or other — in every sphere of life. The French revolution was the time of incredibly powerful irreverence and it gave birth to a very incisive form of satire and lampooning. Many magazines with satirical drawing accompanying text emerged during this time and have continued since. Later a much softer version of this developed in Britain and elsewhere.

The 1968 generation Charlie Hebdo has had an even more militant libertarian non conformist view of the world, groomed by a radical antipathy to the political power of religious authority, and a deep identification with ideas of the broad left. Pungent depictions the magazine runs are devastatingly funny that poke fun at everything, just every thing that makes for daily life. This vitriolic humour has come to be vital part of French intellectual and popular culture and there is a social acceptance for it. Millions read satirical comics, satirical newspapers, and magazines. Its anti religious politics takes apart the clergy, most of all the nuns, bishops, popes, rabbis, all who represent the high and mighty and, more recently the Dalai Lama, the new cults, and also in the recent times imams, mullahs as gate keepers of religion.

Charile Hebdo has a bawdy, burlesque style of black humour. Not for the weak hearted. In 1970 Charlie Hebdo made fun of Charles de Gaulle, president and leader of the Resistance, on the day of his death, provoking demands from the Right for its ban. The publication ceased in 1981 and was revived in 1991. Charlie Hebdo and its cartoonists have faced hundreds of court cases since its creation. But it has continued to strike against powerful capitalists, bureaucratic and religious elites. The many targets of Charlie Hebdo’s cartoons and journalism have been the far right extremists, police repression, war mongering, the big corporate media, anti immigrant policies, capitalist and employer wrongdoing, the big banks and the stock markets, cuts in public spending and the military industrial complex, the nuclear industry, homophobia, conservative social values, denial of climate change, the food industry, the big pharma etc etc.

In the English speaking world, there is practically no tradition of satirical magazines like Charlie Hebdo or say a newspaper like Le Canard Enchainé (A Duck in chains — Canard/Duck is French slang for newspaper) that deploy sardonic cartoons with investigative journalism and opinion pieces as standard fare. The kind of fiercely brutal cartoons that appear in Charlie Hebdo and the like in France have no chance of appearing in Britain, in the United States, Canada, Australia and most of the world. This would pass as obscene bad taste, it is matter of culture as to what is obscene or distasteful. In a country like India, the Charlie style cartoons would be unacceptable to both the left and right and the non ideological and unthinking.

Where Have all the Swings gone?

- Subhash Gatade

Who ‘stole’ our playground ?

Photo Courtesy : Brian Inganga/AP

There are occasions when simple questions raised by innocent people – even by kids – invite brutal wrath of the authorities. The kids of Langata Road Primary School in Nairobi learned it a very hard way. Back from Christmas vacations when they found that the playground of the school – which provided them enough space to unwind themselves – has just ‘disappeared’ behind ‘iron walls’ with security people guarding it, they had raised this simple question. Sympathetic teachers had told them that a dominant politician in Nairobi, who wanted space to park cars of people visiting a neighbouring mall owned by him, has ‘taken over’ their playground.

Definitely it was not an unusual event – at least in Nairobi which happens to be one of the fastest growing real estate markets in the world – where real estate mafias are so powerful that with the connivance of political masters they are able to ‘acquire’ vacant or unmarked land plots without much difficulty. And land belonging to public schools is considered ‘under threat’ of land sharks as it is not properly delineated to them.

But nobody could have predicted that the kids in Langata School would prove to be biggest stumbling block in their ‘peaceful’ expansion and would literally ‘make history’. As rightly pointed out by an analyst these kids did what ordinary Kenyans are rarely able to do: defend disappearing public space.

It is widely known how the silent protest by the kids – some as old as 8 years – and their attempt to recover their playground was met with brutal lathicharge and firing of tear gas shells on the kids, with fresh reinforcements from police and military being called to ‘quell’ this ‘mini revolt’.

The whole incident caught on camera sparked outrage across the city and also on social media. The shocking images and videos of the ordeal caused so much uproar that President of Kenya Uhuru Kenyatta, had to personally intervene who condemned the use of tear gas, suspended a senior government official and sent his interior minister to the school the very next day, who personally apologised to the kids. It does not need underlining that their playground which was literally taken over by the real estate man and properly fenced was restored to the kids.

As if to redeem itself of its guilt the government had rushed in bulldozers to the playground supposedly to ‘gift’ the students a brand new flattened soccer field.

Gregory Warner, International Correspondent of NPR ends his story on this episode with these words.

That’s not how these stories usually end. Land grabs are such a divisive issue in Kenya that the most controversial ones have sparked deadly ethnic riots and even acts of terrorism.

मजहब पर व्यंग्य बनाम व्यंग्य का मजहब

-जावेद अनीस

पेशावर में बहाया गया मासूमों का खून अभी जमा भी नहीं था कि मजहबी पागलपन ने एक और हादसा अंजाम दे डाला है और इस बार नफरत की यह लकीर मोहब्बत के शहर कहे जाने वाले फ्रांस में खीची गयी है। नए साल के पहले हफ्ते में जब दुनिया भर में लोग शांति और प्रगति की कामना करते हुए एक दूसरे को शुभकामनायें दे रहे थे तो उसी दौरान पेरिस से प्रकाशित होने वाली एक पत्रिका के कार्यालय पर हमला करके 12 इंसानों को मार डाला गया। "शार्ली ऐब्डो" नाम की इस व्यंग्य-पत्रिका में इस्लाम के पैगंबर के कार्टून छापे गये थे। 

यह वही मैगजीन है जिससे तमाम कट्टरपंथी नाराज थे और इस मैगजीन से जुड़े तमाम लोग अलकायदा की हिटलिस्ट में शामिल थे। लेकिन जो हुआ उसका अंदाजा किसी को भी नहीं था। गौरतलब है कि इस हमले के कुछ दिन पूर्व ही मैगजीन ने टि्वटर पर आईएसआईएस चीफ अल बगदादी  की तस्वीर वाली एक फोटो पोस्ट की थी। जिसमें व्यंग्य करते हुए बगदादी के अच्छे स्वास्थ्य की कामना की गई थी। इससे पूर्व 2011 में भी इस मैगजीन के ऑफिस पर बम फेंक कर से हमला किया गया था लेकिन कोई हताहत नहीं हुआ था। हमें लगा था की इंसानियत अपने मतभेद जाहिर करने के लिए मारकाट का खूनी शगल बहुत पीछे छोड़ आई है लेकिन यहाँ मतभेद निपटाने का पुराना और घिनौना रूप ही लागू है और अब तो हमारे हाथों में इस पुराने खेल को जारी रखने के लिए आधुनिकतम हथियार भी हैं।

इस बार हमला “फ़्री स्पीच” पर था, और वह भी उस मुल्क में जो पिछले कुछ सदियों से  अभिव्यक्ति के आजादी बड़ा पक्षधर रहा है। फ्रांस आधुनिक सभ्यता और ज्ञानोदय का मरकज है, फ्रांस की क्रांति ने ही मानव और नागरिक अधिकारों की घोषणा की थी और इससे निकले समानता, स्वतंत्रता और भातृत्व के नारे आज आधुनिक समाजों के आधार स्तंभ हैं। पिछले करीब तीन सदियों से पूरी दुनिया विचारों,साहित्य और कलां के क्षेत्र में फ्रांस की ओर ही देखती रही है।

दरयाऐ सेन के किनारे बसा इसका शहर पेरिस दुनिया के सबसे ख़ूबसूरत और आधुनिक शहरों में से एक है।  पेरिस में 1777 में ही “जूरनाल द पारी” नाम की पहली पत्रिका का प्रकाशन शुरू हुआ था और देखते ही देखते दो सालों के दरमियान ही पेरिस से 79 पत्र-पत्रिकाएँ प्रकाशित होने लगीं, उस दौरान वहां ऐसे लोग पैदा होने लगे थे जो फ्रांस की स्थितियों पर अपने कलम से व्यंग्य करते थे। ऐसे ही एक दार्शनिक विचारक थे “वोल्तेयर”(1694-1778) जिन्होंने तत्कालीन फ्रांस में चर्च पर व्यंग्य कसते हुए कहा था कि “अब तो कोई ईसाई बचा ही नहीं, क्योंकि एक ही ईसाई था और उसे सलीब पर चढ़ा दिया गया।” उन्होंने उस समय कैथोलिक चर्च को उसके असहिष्णुता, अंधविश्वास और पाखंड के कारण उसे नष्ट करने का आह्वान किया था।

टिपू सुलतान से नफरत, नाथुराम गोडसे से प्यार

English version of this article is available  HERE

 – सुभाष गाताडे

आखिर ‘मैसूर का शेर’ केसरिया पलटन को आज भी क्यों खौफनाक लगता है

केसरिया पलटन ने फिर एक बार उसी कारनामे को अंजाम दिया है। उन्होंने फिर एक बार महान टिपू सुलतान /20 नवम्बर 1750-4 मई 1799/ – जो उन गिने चुने राजाओं में थे जिन्होंने अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ लड़ते हुए युद्ध के मैदान पर वीरगति प्राप्त की थी – की विरासत पर प्रश्नचिन्ह खड़े करने की कोशिश की है। श्रीरंगपटटनम की ऐतिहासिक लड़ाई में मौत का वरण किए टिपू सुलतान की शहादत 1857 के महासमर के लगभग पचास साल पहले हुई थी। और बहुत कम लोग हक़ीकत से वाकीफ हैं कि ब्रिटिशों के खिलाफ संघर्ष में टिपू सुलतान ने अपने दो बच्चों को भी खोया था।

हिन्दुत्व ब्रिगेड द्वारा टिपू सुलतान पर लांछन लगाने का फौरी कारण यही दिखता है कि पिछले दिनों कर्नाटक सरकार ने टिपू जयन्ती मनाने का फैसला लिया है। प्रख्यात इतिहासकार और टिपू के अध्येता प्रोफेसर बी शेख अली की नयी किताब ‘टिपू सुलतान: एक क्रूसेडर फार चेंज’ के विमोचन के वक्त़ मुख्यमंत्राी सिद्धरमैया ने पिछले दिनों यह ऐलान किया था।

अपने वक्त़ से बहुत आगे चल रहे टिपू, जो विद्वान, फौजी एवं कवि भी थे, वह हिन्दू मुस्लिम एकता के हिमायती थे, उन्हें नयी खोजों के प्रति बहुत रूचि रहती थी और उन्हें दुनिया के पहले युद्ध राॅकेट का अन्वेषक कहा जाता है। टिपू फ्रेंच इन्कलाब से भी प्रभावित थे और मैसूर का शासक होने के बावजूद अपने आप को नागरिक के तौर पर सम्बोधित करते थे और उन्होंने अपने राजमहल में ‘स्वतंत्राता’ के पौधे को भी लगाया था। इतिहास इस बात का गवाह है कि टिपू ने ब्रिटिशों के इरादों को बहुत पहले भांप लिया था और घरेलू शासकों तथा फ्रेंच , तुर्क और अफगाण शासकों से रिश्ते कायम करने की कोशिश की थी ताकि ब्रिटिशों के वर्चस्ववादी मंसूबों को शिकस्त दी जा सके और उन्होंने अपनी बेहतर योजना और उन्नत तकनीक के बलबूते दो बार ब्रिटिश सेना को शिकस्त दी थी।

उनके झंझावाती जीवन का एक प्रसंग जो हिन्दुत्ववादी संगठनों द्वारा प्रचारित की जा रही उनकी छवि के विपरीत स्पष्ट तौर पर दिखता है, उसकी चर्चा करना समीचीन होगा। वह 1791 का साल था जब मराठा सेनाओं ने श्रंगेरी शंकराचार्य मठ और मंदिर पर हमला किया, वहां के तमाम कीमती सामानों की लूटपाट की और कइयों को मार डाला। पदासीन शंकराचार्य ने टिपू सुलतान से सहायता मांगी, टिपू ने तत्काल बेदनूर के असफ को निर्देश दिया कि वह मठ की मदद करे। शंकराचार्य और टिपू सुलतान के बीच हुआ पत्राचार, जिसमें तीस पत्रा शामिल है तथा जो कन्नड भाषा में उपलब्ध है, उसकी खोज मैसूर के पुरातत्वविभाग ने 1916 में की थी। मठ पर हुए हमले को लेकर टिपू लिखते हैं:

ऐसे लोग जिन्होंने इस पवित्रा स्थान का अपवित्राीकरण किया है उन्हें अपने कुक्रत्यों की इस कलियुग में जल्द ही सज़ा मिलेगी, जैसे कि कहा गया है ‘लोग शैतानी कामों को हंसते हुए अंजाम देते हैं, मगर उसके अंजाम को रोते हुए भुगतते हैं।’ ‘/हसदभ्भी क्रियते कर्मा रूदादभिर अनुभूयते//

इसमें कोई दो राय नहीं कि टिपू जयन्ती मनाने का प्रस्ताव दक्षिणपंथी संगठनों को नागवार गुजरा है, राज्य में प्रमुख विपक्षी पार्टी भाजपा ने इसे ‘वोट बटोरने’ का हथकंडा कहा है। उनके एक वरिष्ठ नेता ने टिपू को ‘जुल्मी तानाशाह’ के तौर पर सम्बोधित करते हुए प्रस्तावित कार्यक्रम के औचित्य पर ही सवाल खड़े किए हैं। भाजपा के एक अन्य वरिष्ठ नेता डी एच शंकरमूर्ति ने उन्हें ‘कन्नडाविरोधी’ कहा है क्योंकि वह ‘कन्नाडिगा’ नहीं थे। उनका यह भी आरोप है कि टिपू के राज सम्भालने के पहले राजकारोबार की भाषा के तौर पर कन्नड के स्थान पर पर्शियन का इस्तेमाल उन्होंने शुरू किया। वैसे अगर याददाश्त पर थोड़ा जोर देने की कोशिश करें तो पता चल सकता है कि यह वही सज्जन हैं, जिन्होंने उच्च शिक्षा मंत्री के पद पर रहते हुए – जबकि भाजपा और जनता दल /सेक्युलर/ सांझा सरकार चला रहे थे – यह ऐलान कर दिया था कि वह कन्नडा इतिहास से टिपू का नामोनिशान हटा देना चाहते हैं। यह अलग बात है कि बढ़ते जनाक्रोश के चलते सरकार को इस योजना को मुल्तवी करना पड़ा था।

याद रहे कि अभी पिछले ही साल जब कर्नाटक सरकार ने यह निर्णय लिया कि 26 जनवरी की दिल्ली की परेड में टिपू के सम्मान में झांकी निकालेंगेा, तबभी इन ताकतों ने उसका विरोध किया था, यहां तक कि जब तत्कालीन संप्रग सरकार ने श्रीरंगपटटनम जहां टिपू शहीद हुए थे, वहां जब एक केन्द्रीय विश्वविद्यालय उन्हीं के नाम से खोलने का प्रस्ताव रखा था, तबभी इन ताकतों ने उसका विरोध किया था।

Under the saffron flag: Long Forgotten Battle Against Hindutva Terror

Militant Hindutva has its roots in RSS’s earliest articulations of its worldview. It is an organised threat to Muslims and India’s nationhood, and has a long list of acts of terror to its credit.

BY SUBHASH GATADE

“(They) were doomed to the flames and burnt, to serve as a nightly illumination when daylight had expired. Nero offered his
gardens for the spectacle.”
—Tacitus (Roman historian and official, c.58 to 115 C.E.) The Annals, Book XV, C.E. 62-65

Nanded, a city in Maharashtra with a mixed population of different faiths—witness to the final days of Guru Gobind Singh, Sikhism’s Tenth Guru—made national headlines in 2006 for unexpected reasons.

A bomb blast at the house of Laxman Rajkondwar, a Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) activist in Patbandhare Nagar, on the night of April 4 and 5 woke the whole colony. When neighbours followed by police rushed to the place, they found the bodies of two youngsters in a pool of blood. One of them was Naresh, son of Laxman Rajkondwar. The other was Himanshu Panse, a leading activist of a rightwing Hindutva formation (RSS/Bajrang Dal) in the region.

The new element in this blast was visible to everyone. It showed an increasing similarity between Hindutva militancy and terrorism of other hues. While various enquiry commissions have looked into riots in post-Independence India and corroborated the role played by the RSS in instigating riots, the irony is that the organisation is still able to maintain its missionary image. Part of this is because the group has long maintained a strict division of labour within its ranks, delegating much of the dirty work to fringe workers.

The Nanded blasts proved to be an exception to this pattern, as RSS links were obvious. This is why, in the immediate aftermath of the explosions, the Sangh Parivar went to great lengths to suppress the news. Indeed, activist friends of this writer in Maharashtra were themselves unaware of any such incident.

The inadvertent exposure of a Hindutva terror module was followed by media investigations into similar previous incidents. Interrogation of five accomplices of the two dead men revealed that many earlier terror acts in the region where the police could not make headway were the handiwork of this module.

At one go, the police could unearth the perpetrators of the Parbhani blast at Mohammadiya Masjid (November 21, 2003); Purna (district Parbhani) blast at Meraj-ul-Uloom Madarsa and Masjid, Siddharth Nagar (August 27, 2004); and Jalna blast at Quadriya Masjid, Sadar Bazar, (August 27, 2004). (refer to Tehelka, “Nanded Blast: The Hindu Hand”, December 30, 2006.)

The April 6 blast was followed by another on February 10, 2007, in the same city which also led to the death of two men—Pandurang Amilkanthwar and his cousin Dyaneshwar Manikwar—both of the Shiv Sena. A fact-finding team led by Justice (retd.) Kolse Patil and other civil liberty activists brought out an exhaustive report on the incident but it was not followed up.

It is more than eight years since Nanded and a face of militant Hindutva—which can easily compete with violent extremisms claiming allegiance to this or that faith—became apparent. Much water has flowed down the Ganges (and all the water bodies of this part of earth) since then.

Barring a few officials of the investigating agencies—in their private communications—today no one talks about Nanded’s sudden arrival on the terror map of the country. Perhaps the residents of Nanded also would also like to forget those gory incidents, but questions remain and they will reverberate for a long time. One tends to think that since the blasts in Nanded “inaugurated” the yet unfolding Hindutva terror phase, if the police and administration had been more efficient and less prejudiced, they could have nipped the menace in the bud.

Love Godse, Hate Tipu Sultan: Why the 'Tiger of Mysore' Still Troubles the Saffrons

- Subhash Gatade

The saffrons have done it again.

They have once again showed utter contempt towards the legacy of legendary Tipu Sultan, (20 November 1750 – 4 May 1799) one of those rare kings who was martyred on the battlefield, while fighting the Britishers at the historic battle at Srirangpatnam and whose martyrdom fighting the colonials preceded the historic revolt of the 1857 by around 50 years. Not very many people even know that he had even sacrificed his children while fighting them.

The immediate reason for stigmatisation of Tipu Sultan, by the leaders of Hindutva Brigade, concerns move by the Karnataka state government led by the Congress to celebrate Tipu Jayanti or Tipu's birth anniversary. The Chief Minister Siddaramaiah had made this announcement releasing a book 'Tipu Sultan: A Crusader for Change' by historian Prof B Sheik Ali.

A commemorative postal stamp  issued
by Government of India after independence

A ruler much ahead of his times Tipu Sultan, a scholar, soldier and a poet, was an apostle of Hindu-Muslim unity, was fond of new inventions, and is called innovator of the world’s first war rocket, one who felt inspired by the French Revolution and who despite being a ruler called himself Citizen and even had planted the tree of ‘Liberty’ in his palace. History bears witness to the fact that Tipu sensed the designs of the British and tried to forge broader unity with the domestic rulers and even tried to connect with French and the Turks and the Afghans to give a fitting reply to the hegemonic designs of the British and had defeated the British army twice with his superior planning and better techniques earlier.

An interesting episode in his eventful life throwing light on his character which the saffrons love to forget is worth emphasising. It was the year 1791 when Maratha Army raided the Sringeri Shakaracharya mutt and temple, plundered the monastery of all its valuables and even killed many. The incumbent Shankaracharya wrote to Tipu Sultan for help. He immediately ordered the Asaf of Bednur to provide help to the mutt. An exchange of around thirty letters written in Kannada is available which took place between Tipu Sultan and the Shankaracharya, which were discovered in 1916 by the Director of Archaeology in Mysore.

Expressing his indignation at the raid Tipu had written:

"People who have sinned against such a holy place are sure to suffer the consequences of their misdeeds at no distant date in this Kali age in accordance with the verse: "Hasadbhih kriyate karma rudadbhir-anubhuyate" (People do [evil] deeds smilingly but suffer the consequences crying)."

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It is evident that the proposal to celebrate Tipu Jayanti has stirred a fresh controversy in the state. BJP, the main opposition party, has termed it 'vote collection' exercise. One of their senior leaders, called Tipu a ‘tyrant’ and even questioned the government's move to celebrate the day. Another saffron leader D H Shankaramurthy called Tipu "anti- Kannada" as he "was not a Kannadiga". He also blamed him for 'replacing Kannada - which was supposedly the official language before Tipu ruled Mysuru- with Persian.' People can brush up their memories and can find that this was the same gentleman who as higher education minister had announced his move to 'obliterate the great Tipu Sultan’s name from the pages of Kannada history.' It is a different matter it was a time when BJP shared power with JD(S) then and this move faced stiff opposition from different sections of society and had to be dropped ultimately.

It need be reminded that last year the decision of the Karnataka government to honour him with a tableau at the Republic Day parade had provoked the Hindutva Brigade. They had also felt agitated when the then central government was contemplating naming a central university after him. It was the time when UPA II government had decided to set up a non-religious central university bearing Tipu's name in Srirangpatnam - the very place he was martyred.

Two years back when countdown had already begun for the BJP led government in the state another stalwart from the saffron family - the then education minister of Karnataka - had unashamedly compared Tipu to Britishers and called him "a foreigner" like British (Jan 25, 2013, 16:38 IST , DNA).

It is worth looking into why the saffrons love to hate Tipu Sultan and what is the basis of their allegations against him. But before that it would be opportune here to look into how 'falsification of history' to suit the ‘divide’ and ‘rule policy of the Britishers vis-a-vis Tipu has been going on since quite some time. In this connection Prof B N Pandey's speech in the Rajya Sabha, titled ‘History in the Service of Imperialism’ is worth quoting (1977). Professor B. N. Pandey, Professor of History in Allahabad University, who later became Governor of Orissa, had narrated his experience. In his speech he mentioned how way back in 1928:

“..[w]hen he was a Professor of History in Allahabad University some students came to him with a book written by one Professor Harprasad Shastri, Professor of Sanskrit of Calcutta University in which it was mentioned that Tipu Sultan told 3000 Brahmins to convert to Islam otherwise they will be killed, and those 3000 Brahmins committed suicide rather than becoming Muslims. On reading this Professor B. N. Pandey wrote to Professor Harprasad Shastri asking him on what basis have you written this? What is the source of your information? Prof. Harprasad Shastri wrote back that the source of information is the Mysore Gazetteer. Then Prof. Pandey wrote to Prof. Shrikantia, Professor of History in Mysore University asking him whether it is correct that in Mysore Gazetteer it is mentioned that Tipu Sultan told 3000 Brahmins to convert to Islam. Prof. Shrikantia wrote back that this is totally false, he had worked in this field and there is no such mention in the Mysore Gazetteer, rather the correct version was just the reverse, namely, that Tipu Sultan used to give annual grants to 156 Hindu Temples, he used to send grants to the Shankaracharya of Shringheri, etc.”

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