जनगणना में अल्पसंख्यक

-सुभाष गाताडे

“लोकप्रिय स्तर पर लोगों के लिए इस हकीकत पर गौर करना या उसे जज्ब़ करना मुश्किल जान पड़ता है जब उन्हें बताया जाता है कि बहुसंख्यक मुस्लिम आबादी वाले इंडोनेशिया की प्रजननक्षमता (कुल प्रजनन क्षमता दर 2.6) की दर बहुसंख्यक हिन्दू आबादी वाले भारत की तुलना में (कुल प्रजनन क्षमता दर 3.2) कम है। दरअसल इंडोनेशिया में प्रजनन क्षमता में कमी को परिवार नियोजन पर कारगर अमल, जो मुल्क की स्वास्थ्यसेवाओं के साथ अभिन्न रूप से जुड़ी हैं, से जोड़ा जा सकता है। हाल के समयों में बांगलादेश में भी परिवार नियोजन के बढ़ते स्तर ने वहां की प्रजनन क्षमता को में काफी तेजी से कमी दिखाई दी।’’

(फेक्ट एण्ड फिक्शन आन हिन्दुत्व क्लेम्स, आर बी भगत, सितम्बर 25, 2004, इकोनोमिक एण्ड पोलिटिकल वीकली )

1.

Courtesy -hinduexistence.org

जनगणना के आंकड़े एक गतिशील समाज के तेजी से बदलते परिदृश्य को उदघाटित करते रहते हैं। आंकड़ों का यह समुच्चय नीतिनिर्धारकों को ही नहीं समाजविज्ञानियों, राजनीतिक विश्लेषकों या सामाजिक-राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ताओं के लिए एक खजाने के तौर पर उपस्थित होता है, जिसका विश्लेषण करके वह अपनी समझदारी तय करते हैं या अपने हस्तक्षेप की रूपरेखा बनाते हैं। एक सौ बीस करोड़ से अधिक आबादी का भारतीय समाज - जहां दुनिया के लगभग सभी धर्मों के अनुयायी मिलते हैं - और जो अपने उपमहाद्वीपीय आकार के चलते ; भाषाई, सांस्कृतिक तथा अन्य विविधताओं के चलते दुनिया भर के जनसंख्याविदों के लिए कुतूहल एवं अध्ययन का विषय बनता है, ऐसा ही नज़ारा उपस्थित करता है।

यह अलग बात है आज जबकि दक्षिण एशिया के इस हिस्से में बहुसंख्यकवाद अर्थात मेजोरिटेरियानिजम का बोलबाला बढ़ा है और भारत के इस हिस्से के धर्मनिरपेक्ष एवं समावेशी जनतंत्रा के क्षरण की कोशिशें तेज हो चली हैं हम पा रहे हैं कि जनगणना के आंकड़ों के माध्यम से अपनी संकीर्ण राजनीति को ही हवा देने की कोशिशें तेज हो रही है, और उसके व्यापक निहितार्थों पर परदा डाले रखने के प्रयास चल रहे हैं। यह महज इत्तेफाक नहीं कि बिहार विधानसभा चुनावों के ऐन मौकों पर जनगणना के धार्मिक आंकड़ों को जारी किया गया है ताकि उसके आंशिक निष्कर्षों को सामने लाकर अल्पसंख्यकों की ‘बढ़ती आबादी’ के नाम पर बहुसंख्यकों का ध्रुवीकरण किया जा सके और चूंकि 2001-2011 के दरमियान हिन्दुओं की आबादी की तुलना में मुसलमानों की आबादी अधिक बढ़ने के आंकड़े सामने आए हैं, लिहाजा उसी को लेकर एक नए ध्रुवीकरण के फिराक में वह दिखती है। विडम्बना है कि जनगणना के जाति सम्बन्धी आंकड़ों पर अभी भी चुप्पी है, जिसकी लम्बे समय से मांग हो रही है।

और मीडिया जिसे ‘लोकतंत्रा का प्रहरी’ कहा जाता है उसने भी - चन्द अपवादों को छोड़ दें तो - एक तरह से इसी सुर में सुर मिला लिया है। जनगणना 2011 के धार्मिक आकड़ों  को जिस अन्दाज़ में भाषाई मीडिया ने और अंग्रेजी अख़बारों के एक हिस्से ने पेश किया है, वह शायद इसी बात की ताईद करता है। एक अग्रणी हिन्दी अख़बार की सूर्खियां थीं ‘ धर्म का सियासी डेटा ‘ चुनाव के पहले जनगणना के आंकडे, मुस्लिम आबादी सबसे तेज बढ़ी’ /नवभारत टाईम्स/, दूसरे अख़बार की हेडलाइन थी:बढ़ी मुस्लिम आबादी: सरकार ने जारी किए 2011 जनगणना के धार्मिक आंकडे/जागरण/; ‘अमर उजाला’ का कहना था ‘आबादी की रफतार: हिन्दुओं की धीमी, मुस्लिमों की तेज’ ; हालांकि ‘राजस्थान पत्रिका’ के गुजरात संस्करण जैसे चन्द अपवाद भी थे जिन्होंने आबादी में प्रमुख धर्मो के मौजूदा प्रतिशत को बताते हुए इस बात को रेखांकित किया कि ‘मुस्लिमों की बढ़ोत्तरी दर पिछले दशक के मुकाबले घटी’ तो ‘द टेलिग्राफ’ की रिपोर्ट थी ‘सेन्सस नेल्स प्रमोटर्स आफ पैरोनेइया’ अर्थात ‘जनगणना के आंकड़ों ने फर्जी आतंक पैदा करनेवालों पर नकेल डाली’।

इस प्रष्ठभूमि में यह बेहद समीचीन होगा कि हम मसले की गहन समीक्षा करें। और जिसकी शुरूआत जनगणना को लेकर चन्द सामान्य सूचनाएं साझा करके की जा सकती है।

क्या कहते हैं जनगणना के धार्मिक आंकडें

जनगणना 2011 के धार्मिक आंकड़ों के मुताबिक 92 करोड़ 63 लाख आबादी के साथ हिंदू देश का सबसे बड़ा धार्मिक समूह है(हिस्सेदारी 79.82) तो मुसलमानों की आबादी 17.22 करोड़ (हिस्सेदारी 14.2 फीसदी) है। अन्य समुदायों की आबादी इस प्रकार है: ईसाई 2.78 करोड़(2.3 फीसदी), सिख 2.08 करोड़ (1.7 फीसदी), बौद्ध 84 लाख (0.7 फीसदी), जैन 45 लाख (0.4 फीसदी) और अन्य 78 लाख (0.7 फीसदी)

गौरतलब है कि 2001 के आंकड़ों की तुलना में हिन्दुओं की आबादी 0.7 फीसदी घटी है तो मुसलमानों की 0.8 फीसदी बढ़ी है, ईसाइयों एवं जैनियों की आबादी के अनुपात में कोई फर्क नहीं आया है ( 2.3 फीसदी और 0.4 फीसदी क्रमशः) जबकि सिखों की आबादी 1.9 फीसदी से 1.7 फीसदी तक हुई है और बौद्धों की आबादी भी 0.8 फीसदी से 0.7 फीसदी तक हुई हैं।

[Open Letter to Odisha CM] False Charges Against GASS Activist Debaranjan

 WITHDRAW FALSE CHARGES AGAINST DEBARANJAN OF GASS, ODISHA

To:

Mr. Naveen Patnaik

Chief Minister,

Government of Odisha

22 August 2015

 We, the undersigned, unequivocally condemn the foisting of a false case on Debaranjan, member of the Ganatantrik Adhikar Surakhya Sangathan (GASS) in Odisha.

Debaranjan has for several years now been deeply involved with people’s struggles in Odisha, first as a full-time activist in Kashipur, Rayagada district, then as film-maker, and most recently also as a member of the democratic rights group GASS. His has been among the consistent voices in Odisha for over twenty years against state repression on people’s struggles, atrocities faced by adivasis, dalits and other underprivileged communities, and against communalization of the polity and in society. This is the political context in which he is being targeted.

Last week, Debaranjan was sought to be interrogated by the Special Branch of the Intelligence Department while he was engaged in work on a documentary film in Malkangari district. Subsequently, a number of false charges were filed against him by the Malkangiri Police, including charges pertaining to molestation under Section 354 (b) of the IPC, and under sections 354 and 323. We believe these charges to be patently false and absurd, and constitute nothing other than harassment and part of the continued persecution of democratic voices in this country.

Debaranjan has been part of investigations by democratic rights organizations into police violence and extra-judicial killings by the state seeking to target Left movements in Odisha. He was part of other investigations into communal violence in southern Karnataka and in Kandhamal district in Odisha. He has been part of struggles against and critiqued rampant development, mining in adivasi areas, the forced displacement and police repression that inevitably comes in the wake of such development projects. Whatever one may think of such development, we believe that those critical of it have a right to have their voices heard, to highlight and be critical of state atrocities, and to express dissent. By foisting false charges on Debaranjan, the state seeks to fetter democratic voices in Odisha, and implicitly threaten democratic voices everywhere in this country. We condemn such harassment, the shrinking of the democratic space, and demand that the false charges on Debaranjan be withdrawn immediately and unconditionally.

“उदास नस्लें” के दास्तानगो अब्दुल्ला हुसैन

जावेद अनीस

उर्दू के शीर्ष उपन्यासकार अब्दुल्ला हुसैन का 7 जून 2015 का 84 वर्ष के उम्र में देहांत हो गया, वे लम्बे समय से कैंसर से पीड़ित थे और उनका लाहौर के एक निजी अस्पताल में इलाज चल रहा था। करीब 53 साल पहले जब उनकी पहली उपन्यास “उदास नस्लें” प्रकाशित हुई तो मानो उर्दू साहित्य में तहलका मच गया,इस एक ही उपन्यास ने उन्हें चोटी पर पहुँचा दिया और यही उनकी पहचान बन गयी। “उदास नस्लें” को पाकिस्तान का पहला नॉवेल तक कहा जाता है। इसके बाद भी उन्होनें बहुत कुछ लिखा लेकिन उदास नस्लें के जरिये वे शोहरत की जिस बुलंदी पर पहुँच चुके थे उसमें कोई इजाफा मुमकिन नही था। अकेले यही उन्हें उर्दू के सबसे बड़े उपन्यासकारों की सूची में शुमार करने के लिए काफी थी।

“उदास नस्लें” के अलावा उन्होनें ‘बाध’, ‘फरेब’, ‘नशेब’ जैसे उपन्यास लिखे हैं और उनकी 3 कहानी संग्रह भी प्रकाशित हुए हैं। इसी साल उन्हें प्रधानमंत्री के लाइफटाइम अचीवमेंट अवॉर्ड से सम्मानित किया गया था। 2012 में साहित्य के उनके योगदान पर पाकिस्तानी सरकार ने उन्हें वहां के सबसे बडे साहित्यक सम्मान ‘कमाल फन’ से नवाजा था। “उदास नस्लें” के लिए उन्हें ‘आदम जी’ अवार्ड से भी सम्मानित किया जा चूका है। “उदास नस्लें” का 1963 में ‘दि वियरी जेनरेशन्स’ शीर्षक से अंग्रेजी में अनुवाद हुआ था जिसे अंग्रेजी के पाठकों ने बहुत पसंद किया, हिंदी में भी इसे राजकमल प्रकाशन द्वारा प्रकाशित गया है। 

दो साल पहले ही उदास नस्लें की सिल्वर जुब्ली एडिशन सामने आयी थी। यह जितनी पाकिस्तान में मशहूर थी उतनी ही हिन्दुस्तान में भी। “उदास नस्लें” ने 50 बरस का अर्सा सह लिया और इस दौरान हर पीढ़ी के पाठकों ने इसे सराहा, इससे यह बात एक बार फिर साबित होती है कि रचना में अगर जान हो तो बगैर किसी लाबी, प्रोपोगेंड़ा और मीडि़या की मदद के भी एक नॉवेल केवल अपने बलबूते पर ही लम्बे समय तक जिंदा रह सकती है। चंद बरस पहले अब्दुल्ला हुसैन ने कराची लिटरेचर फेस्टीवल में “उदास नस्लें” के बारे में चर्चा करते हुए कहा था कि उन्होंने यह नॉवेल 1956 में उस वक्त लिखा था जब वो एक निजी कंपनी में काम करते थे और उनकी डयूटी किसी वीराने इलाके में थी तब उन्होनें अपनी उकताहट से तंग आकर एक कहानी लिखने के इरादे से कलम उठाया था लेकिन चंद पन्ने लिखने के बाद ही उनके जहन में अचानक “उदास नस्लें” की कहानी फ्लैश की सूरत में गुजरी और नॉवेल का पूरा सांचा दिमाग में आ गया। इस तरह से यह नॉवेल 1961 में पूरी हुई। जब उन्होनें यह लिखना शुरु किया था तो उनकी उम्र 25 साल की थी। 

Its time to read the writing on the walls

- Critique Collective

Note: This piece was published under the title "Students rise to free education, Resist onslaught of free Market" as the editorial in Critique Magazine, Vol-1, No-2, January-March, 2011. Though written and published more than 4 years ago, the piece remains very much relevant for today.

The current unrest in universities across the globe seems to stretch the limits of national boundaries. It is not about England or Germany or South Africa or any other country; the speedy transformations in higher education occurring within the geo-political boundary of India are more than education in India. If students’ protest in the UK are reverberating its pulses in other parts of the globe, though varied in degree or nature these may be, the current ‘reforms’ attempted by coordinates of power within the Indian education system, could well stand ironically in a position of pre-empting possible disturbances that might result in mass protests. Slogans of different students’ protests against reckless process of privatisation and privilegisation of education which are unabashed symptoms of the chronic rampage of dear old capitalism, have sought to analyse, reassert as well as redefine the meaning and nature of a university:

“University is a factory”

“University has no history of its own; its history is the history of capital. Its essential function is reproduction of the relationship between capital and labour”

“Resistance does not mean nostalgia for the old university model that was embedded in state power and supported by an idealistic and ideological conception of the university as an ‘ivory tower’ of national pride”

These slogans from around the world capture the nature and idea of a university in the current context. Lessons are to be learnt.

In a capitalist world, the production of knowledge and ideas are bound to comply to need of capital like everything else in society has been made to since its advent, be it the patriarchal family or the modern state. The recent developments in universities across the globe are historical consequences of a churning that has long been attempted and resisted. This upsurge of protests are mirrors of what is wrong with capitalism and are clarion calls for what is to be done about this wrong. While students cannot offer a blueprint of “What is to be done” to destroy capitalism, they constitute a force which can ignite the restlessness in society. If university has become a factory, the relationship of the students with the university has become like the one between factory owners and workers.

The nature and intensity of students’ organisation/movement/protest have been determined by nature of state and market, as much as by ideology. The immediate context, however, is the nature of the university within which they are located. For instance, in the recent developments in the Delhi University, the resistance against the ill-conceived educational reforms by undemocratic imposition of the Semester System came mainly from the teaching community and not the students. While we have witnessed that in other places it was mainly the student mass which led and organized the protests, eventually to be joined by other sections directly or indirectly linked to university and education. What is so different about Delhi University then, becomes a question to be deliberated upon, at least a worthwhile question to ask if not sure answers as of now. The clue perhaps lies in the hierarchical relations between students and teachers which further reflect persistent pre-modern hierarchies in our societies.

The nature and structure of teacher-student relationship with Delhi University, as in most parts of India, is largely a hierarchical one. Despite entering the university as adults, the students are largely infantilised; their concerns, especially academic ones, are represented by teachers who do a sorry job of entering into any widespread and intensive dialogue with the student community. This has only got reiterated during the Delhi University Teachers’ Association (DUTA) movement against the new Semester System. The history of Delhi University students’ politics (barring the small scale protests by mainly left students’ organization) have rarely seen students coming out as a mass force to take up academic issues in their own hands and make an argumentation towards a radical intervention. It is a reality that what has been inflicting students in other universities in the world is also inflicting students in Delhi University. However, the latter seem to be waiting for a taste of bitterness to enter into its veins or it lies incapacitated. In recent times, it is true that the class character of the students might have gradually changed and entered the chasm of consumerism at large. However, the problem is not simple as that. It is an indication of why these ‘conscious’ sections of society are not ready to ‘fight’. If the court has admonished the striking teachers for being ‘disruptive’, the teachers in general filter down the same ‘value’ to the students. The teaching and the student community stand segregated making a mockery of the organic teacher-student relationship which defines the university. University as a space of adults and free deliberations, dialogues, debates and imagination ceases to exist as a whole, with allowances of tiny and sporadic sparks which might not necessarily lead to a firing of consciousness. 

Statement by teachers and scholars in solidarity with the students of Film & Television Institute of India (FTII)

In Solidarity with the Students of the Film & Television Institute of India (FTII)

We, the undersigned teachers, scholars and researchers within and outside the university system in India, are disturbed by the repeated and systematic attempts to undermine the academic autonomy of universities and other institutions of teaching and learning, such as the FTII (Pune), by the government. There is a concerted effort to monopolise academic spaces by replacing substantive academic autonomy with policies aimed at destroying academic excellence, diversity, creativity and an atmosphere in which students and teachers can think critically and function freely.

Further, we strongly protest the organised attacks against students and other individuals, in universities and elsewhere, for critiquing the state, be it through film screenings, books, talks or exhibitions. The growing number of censorships and bans is encouraging a widespread culture of intolerance and anti-intellectualism that is openly threatening the freedom of academic expression, democractic and participatory governance, and fundamental rights.

1. We mark our solidarity with the students of the FTII who have been on strike since June 12, 2015. We support their view that Mr. Gajendra Chauhan, an official member of the BJP since 2004, was chosen to be President of the FTII Society and Chairman of the Governing Council for his loyalty to the party and not because he has any credentials to occupy these posts. Mr Chauhan’s appointment is in sharp contrast to previous appointments of nationally and internationally acclaimed personalities such as UR Ananthamurthy, Girish Karnad, Shyam Benegal, Saeed Akhtar Mirza, Adoor Gopalakrishnan and Mrinal Sen, each of whom had built solid reputations for themselves in their respective fields. We urge the government to desist from taking any steps that would harm the future of students, as well as the longterm interests of an institute such as the FTII. We suggest that the current Governing Council be held passive until such time as the FTII society is reconstituted. In the interim, a temporary body, acceptable to all concerned, could be put in place in order to supervise the transition.

2. Through its dubious appointments not just in the FTII but also in other key institutions like the ICHR, ICCR, NFDC, NBT, CBFC, Prasar Bharati, the IIMs and the IITs, among others, the current government has made it amply clear that it has scarce respect for eligibility critera, academic accomplishments or professional reputation. If appointees, including four out of the eight appointees to the FTII society, are chosen on the basis of loyalty to the Sangh Parivar and for commitment to its exclusivist and authoritarian ideology, then institutional autonomy, merit, credentials, professionalism, scholarship, and academic excellence stand destroyed and replaced with propaganda. We demand that professional standards of appointments be re-instituted, and the politics of partisanship stopped.

3. We strongly condemn the actions of organizations such as the ABVP, which assaulted FTII students when they screened Anand Patwardhan’s Jai Bhim Comrade. Last week the ABVP prevented the screening of a film that seeks to understand the recent riots in Muzzafarnagar and their impact on the lives of people living in the area, at a college in Delhi University, even as all students present wished to continue watching the film. This same group pressurised Delhi University to excise AK Ramanujan’s acclaimed essay on the many Ramayanas from the university syllabus in 2011/12, and continues to act, together with sundry other anti-democratic formations of varied political hues, as a violent extra-legal, self–appointed censor board across campuses in the country. Law Schools, we learn, are now being directed to incorporate a Minister’s books on animal rights as part of the syllabus!

We urge the government to take serious note of the political and administrative processes that are gravely undermining academic and institutional autonomy, substituting dialogue with censorship or violence, creating an atmosphere of fear, and fostering an exclusivist, propaganda-ridden anti-democratic political culture instead of one that encourages citizens to read, write, think, create and speak freely and critically, without fear of community, ‘hurt sentiments’ and God.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in the statement belong to that of the signatories. They do not represent the position of their institutions.

[Mukto-Mona Statement] On Murder of Bangladeshi Atheist Blogger and Activist Niloy Neel

Image courtesy: Daily Star, 8th August edition, Dhaka

Following the murders of Rajeeb Haider, Avijit Roy, Washiqur Rahmna, and Ananta Bijoy Das, today, the Mukto-Mona writer, blogger, and activist Niloy Neel has been hacked to death. He wrote in Mutko-Mona as well as in Istishon, and Facebook under the name of “Niloy Neel” (twitter: #NiloyNeel). In addition to writing, Niloy Neel was involved in various social justice movements and was the founder of the Bangladesh Science and Rationalists Association.

Ansar Al Islam, the Bangladesh branch of Al Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) has claimed responsibility for murdering Niloy Neel in his own home, in front of his family, because of his writing. The fundamentalists continue in their tradition of responding to the pen with machetes; the government of Bangladesh continues to supply the fundamentalists with all that is necessary to keep their machetes honed. One by one the enlightened, the freethinking writers, and activists of Bangladesh, are being brutally murdered. Their only crime is taking a stand against injustice, and superstitions prevalent in society. A machete may kill, in a cowardly manner, a human being of flesh and bone; it cannot kill their ideology. Our fight will continue. With all our strength we will continue to speak our minds, our dreams. For as long as there is even a single member of the freethinking community alive; for as long as a single sentence written by freethinking writers survives.

Niloy Neel’s FB status regarding lack of safety:

“Two men were following me two days ago. This happened when I was on my way back from attending the rally organized to protest “The Murder of Ananta Bijoy Das.” First, when I reached a certain place via public bus, they came with me to the same spot. Then, when I got on to a Laguna to reach my destination, one of them climbed aboard the Laguna with me. On the Laguna I realized this was the same guy who was on the bus with me, but there were two of them then. I thought to myself, well, it’s possible; perhaps one of them was going somewhere else so he took a different route.

Until then it seemed as usual. But on the Laguna, the young man was continually texting from his cellphone which made me suspicious. When I exited the Laguna before I reached my actual destination, he got off with me. I was quite scared, and hurried into a unfamiliar alley. Later when I looked back, I noticed that another young man, who had also been on the bus, had joined this young man, and they had not followed me into the alley; they were waiting at the alley entrance. Then I was quite certain that I was being followed. Because even if their destination was the same, they reached their through separate routes, following me. I went farther into the alley, and took a rickshaw keeping the hood up, and traveled to my destination. I reached in apparent safety with the help of a friend nearby.

When I tried to lodge a General Diary about this incident, I faced an even more bizarre situation. A police officer had told me in confidence that the police do not want to accept General Diaries like this because the officer who accepted such a General Diary, related to the personal safety of an individual, remains accountable to ensure the personal safety of said individual. If the said individual faces any difficulty, then the relevant police officer may even lose his job for negligence in duty. This is what I saw when I visited the thanas to file a General Diary. When the surveillance on me had occurred, I had had to pass by several thanas, and so today when I visited one that had been in the vicinity, they refused to accept my General Diary. They told me this isn’t under our jurisdiction, go to this other thana, it’s their jurisdiction, and also, leave the country as soon as possible.”

FTII Protests in Delhi on 3rd August 2015: Resist the Attack on Higher Education

JOIN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST SAFFRONISATION! 

RESIST THE ATTACK ON HIGHER EDUCATION!

Friends,

For the last 52 days, Film and Television Institute of India (FTII) students, are on strike against the questionable appointments made in the apex decision making body of FTII - The FTII Society.

The strike has brought into focus a trend of appointments of highly unqualified individuals associated with RSS and BJP The recent appointments at institutions like NFDC, CFSI, & CBFC have already started to affect independent critical & artistic endeavors on issues faced by the country. Nalanda university, ICHR, IIT, NBT, ICCR, ICHR, NCERT, TIFR & IIMs are all resisting governments interference in academics and governance.

FTII continues to persist despite the underhand tactics like threats of expulsion, flimsy FIRs against the students, vandalism and relentless character assassination of the students and the institution.

The voice of the students at FTII has resonated with other students, artists, filmmakers, cultural organizations, civil rights and political groups across the country that have openly come out in support. Support for the students is pouring in from a plethora of cities and centers every day. International students and mainstream media, alarmed at the developments, have started registering their support. 

In midst of it all, FTII students has decided to take our democratic protest to the streets of Delhi

100+ students from FTII will lead a march from Jantar Mantar to the Parliament Street, at 2pm on 3rd of August.

We call out to all the students, youth, parents, artists, educators, everyone who is concerned about the institutions of higher education & throttling of independent & critical voices in our country. This is a call to all who value spaces where rational, reasonable and scholarly debate can happen. Where voices critical of majority are not labelled as 'anti hindu' ,where a certain variety of nationalism is not forced upon people. We urge people, from all walks of life who are concerned and alarmed by the 'environment of fear' where any criticism is simply not allowed, to come out vociferously in support of the students and join them in this march which represents a historic struggle for the sake of preserving academic autonomy and the universal tenets of freedom of thought, expression and right to criticise and dissent. 

On 3rd each voice will be standing for the fight to save our institutions from undemocratic and fascist forces.

JOIN US AT JANTAR MANTAR, 2 pm , 3rd August (MONDAY).

"NOTHING STRENGTHENS AUTHORITY SO MUCH AS SILENCE" - Albert Einstein

warmly

FTII STUDENTS' ASSOCIATION

मोदी राज, माइनॉरिटीज और बहुसंख्यकवाद के खतरे

जावेद अनीस

पिछले साल गर्मियों में लोकसभा चुनाव नतीजे आने के दिन 16 मई 2014 को कर्नाटक के मंगलौर में नरेंद्र दामोदरदास मोदी के जीत के जश्न में दो मस्जिदों पर पथराव हुआ था, मोदी सरकार के गठन के बाद पुणे में कुछ इस तरह से जश्न मनाया गया कि मोहसिन शेख नाम के आईटी इंजीनियर नमाज पढ़ कर अपने घर लौट रहा था इस दौरान हिंदू राष्ट्र सेना के सदस्यों ने उसकी पीट-पीटकर हत्या कर दी। हत्या के बाद आरोपी हिंदू सेना के कार्यकर्ता ने मोबाइल से एक मैसेज फॉरवर्ड किया, जिसमें लिखा था, 'पहली विकेट पड़ी' यानी पहला विकेट गिर गया है। मोहसिन शेख पर यह इल्जाम लगाया गया था कि उसने सोशल साइट पर शिवसेना प्रमुख प्रमुख बाल ठाकरे और छत्रपति शिवाजी के आपत्तिजनक तस्वीरों को शेयर किया था। हालांकि घटना के वक्त मोहसिन के साथ रहे उसके दोस्त रियाज ने खुलासा किया कि मोहसिन को भीड़ ने इसलिए निशाना बनाया क्योंकि वह 'मुस्लिम टोपी' पहने हुए था और लंबी दाढ़ी रखे था। रियाज उस वक्त किसी तरह से अपनी जान बचा कर भाग निकला था। इसके कुछ दिनों के बाद महाराष्ट्र में ही शिवसेना के एक सांसद द्वारा एक रोजेदार के मुंह में जबरदस्ती रोटी ठूसे जाने का मामला सामने आया था । 

पहली बार हर साल दशहरे पर नागपुर में होने वाला राष्ट्रीय स्वयं सेवक संघ के कार्यक्रम का प्रसारण दूरदर्शन पर किया गया, इस दौरान इसकी झांकी दिखाई गई और संघ प्रमुख मोहन भागवत का पूरा भाषण दिखाया गया। मोहन भागवत ने अपने भाषण में केरल में जिहादी गतिविधियों और गोरक्षा जैसे मुद्दों का ज़िक्र किया। यह सरकारी मशीनरी का खतरनाक दुरुपयोग था और साथ ही सन्देश भी कि आने वाले दिनों में मोदी सरकार के लिए संघ परिवार और उससे जुड़े संगठनों की क्या अहमियत रहने वाली है। देश के शीर्ष इतिहासकार रामचंद्र गुहा ने इसपर सवाल उठाते हुए कहा कि “आर.एस.एस. एक सांप्रदायिक हिन्दू संगठन है, यह एक गलत परंपरा की शुरुआत है।’ इसपर तत्कालीन सूचना प्रसारण मंत्री प्रकाश जावेड़कर ने इस तरह के सवाल उठाने वालों को जवाब दिया कि “लोग आर.एस.एस. प्रमुख को सुनना चाहते हैं..सवाल तो ये उठना चाहिए कि अब तक इस वार्षिक कार्यक्रम को क्यों नहीं दिखाया जाता था।" खुद प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने ट्वीट किया कि “आर.एस.एस. प्रमुख मोहन भागवत ने अपने भाषण में सामाजिक सुधारों के जो मुद्दे उठाए हैं वो आज भी प्रासंगिक हैं।” साथ ही साथ उन्होंने भागवत के भाषण का लिंक भी सांझा किया।

मोदी सरकार के शुरुवाती दिनों में ही इसी तरह का एक और मामला सामने आया था जिसमें तेलंगाना के एक भाजपा विधायक ने पूरी दुनिया में भारतीय महिला टेनिस खिलाडी के रुप में पहचान बना चुकीं टेनिस स्टार सानिया मिर्जा को “पाकिस्तानी बहु” का खिताब देते हुए उनके राष्ट्रीयता पर सवाल खड़ा किया था। इसी कड़ी में गोवा के एक मंत्री दीपक धावलिकर का वह बयान काबिले गौर है जिसमें उन्होंने कहा था कि ‘प्रधानमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी के नेतृत्व में भारत हिन्दू राष्ट्र बन कर उभरेगा।‘

नयी सरकार के गठन के बाद पिछले एक सालों में लगातार ऐसी घटनायें और कोशिशें हुई हैं जो ध्यान खीचती हैं, इस दौरान धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यकों के ख़िलाफ़ हिंसा बढ़ी है और उनके बीच असुरक्षा की भावना मजबूत हुई है, देश के लोकतान्त्रिक संस्थाओं पर हमले हुए हैं और भारतीय संविधान के उस मूल भावना का लगातार उलंघन हुआ है जिसमें देश के सभी नागरिकों को सुरक्षा, गरिमा और पूरी आजादी के साथ अपने-अपने धर्मों का पालन करने की गारंटी दी गयी है। मई 2014 में निर्वाचित प्रधानमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी की नई सरकार आने के बाद से भारत में धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यकों को आतंकित करने का एक सिलसिला सा चल पड़ा है। संघ परिवार के नेताओं से लेकर केंद्र सरकार और भाजपा शासित राज्यों के मंत्रियों तक हिन्दू राष्ट्रवाद का राग अलापते हुए भडकाऊ भाषण दिए जा रहे हैं, नफरत भरे बयानों की बाढ़ सी आ गयी है, पहले छः महीनों में “लव जिहाद”, “घर वापसी” जैसे कार्यक्रम चलाये गये, 2015 में गणतंत्र दिवस के दौरान केंद्र सरकार द्वारा जारी विज्ञापन में भारतीय संविधान की उद्देशिका में जुड़े ‘धर्मनिरपेक्ष‘ और ‘समाजवादी‘ शब्दों को शामिल नहीं किया गया था। केंद्र के एक वरिष्ठ मंत्री ने इस विज्ञापन को सही ठहराया। भाजपा की सहयोगी पार्टी शिवसेना ने तो इन शब्दों को संविधान की उद्देशिका से हमेशा के लिए हटा देने की वकालत ही कर डाली थी। दरअसल मोदी सरकार के सत्ता में आते ही संघ परिवार बड़ी मुस्तैदी से अपने उन एजेंडों के साथ सामने आ रहा है, जो काफी विवादित रहे है, इनका सम्बन्ध धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यक समूहों, इतिहास, संस्कृति, धर्मनिरपेक्षता और राष्ट्रीय राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ के भारत को हिन्दू राष्ट्र बनाने के करीब नब्बे साल पुराने सपने से है।

हेडगेवार का पथ: मिथक और यथार्थ

– सुभाष गाताडे

'आधुनिक भारत के निर्माता: डाक्टर केशव बलिराम हेडगेवार’ के बहाने चन्द बातें '

राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ के आनुषंगिक संगठन भाजपा के केन्द्र में तथा कई राज्यों में सत्तारोहण के बाद शिक्षा जगत उनके खास निशाने पर रहा है। विभिन्न अकादमिक संस्थानों में अपने विचारों के अनुकूल लोगों की महत्वपूर्ण पदों पर नियुक्ति करने से लेकर, स्वतंत्रामना अकादमिशियनों पर नकेल डालने के प्रयासों से लेकर, पाठयक्रमों में बदलावों तक इसे कई तरीकों से अंजाम दिया जा रहा है। पिछले दिनों केन्द्रीय मानव संसाधन मंत्राी सुश्री इराणी ने संघ से सम्बधित शैक्षिक संगठनोें से प्रस्तावित नयी शिक्षा नीति के मसविदे के बारे में बात की, जिसका प्रारूप नवम्बर में रखे जाने की योजना है। इसके अलावा विभिन्न संस्थानों और विश्वविद्यालयों में खाली हुए या होने वाले पदों पर नियुक्तियों के मसलों पर भी बात हुई।

सूबा राजस्थान – जो केन्द्र में सत्तासीन भाजपा सरकार की कई नीतियों के लिए एक किस्म की प्रयोगशाला की तरह काम करता रहा है, फिर चाहे श्रमिक कानूनों में बदलावों का मामला हो, पंचायतों के चुनावों में खड़े रहने के लिए न्यूनतम शैक्षिक योग्यता तय करने का मामला हो – एक तरह से शिक्षा जगत में आसन्न बदलावों के मामले में भी एक किस्म की ‘मिसाल’ कायम करता दिख रहा है। स्कूलों के रैशनलायजेशन/ यौक्तिकीकरण के नाम पर सतरह हजार सरकारी स्कूलों को आदर्श स्कूल में मिला देने का मामला हो या पूर्ववर्ती अशोक गहलोत सरकार द्वारा कायम हरिदेव जोशी पत्राकारिता विश्वविद्यालय को बन्द करने का निर्णय हो या राजीव गांधी ट्राइबल युनिवर्सिटी को उदयपुर से डुंगरपुर जिले के बनेश्वर धाम जैसे अधिक दुर्गम इलाके में भेजने का मामला हो, उसने इस दिशा में कई कदम बढ़ाए है। अब अपने ताज़े फैसले में उसने संघ के संस्थापक सदस्य केशव बलिराम हेडगेवार की जीवनी को खरीदने की सिफारिश राज्य के कालेज पुस्तकालयों की है। अपने सर्क्युलर में शिक्षा विभाग की तरफ से कहा गया है कि कालेज के पुस्तकालय अकादमिक राकेश सिन्हा द्वारा लिखित ‘आधुनिक भारत के निर्माता: डाक्टर केशव बलिराम हेडगेवार’ नाम से किताब को पुस्तकालय हेतु मंगवा लें।

प्रस्तुत निर्णय की तीखी प्रतिक्रिया हुई है, राज्य सरकार पर आरोप लगा है कि वह शिक्षा के केसरियाकरण को बढ़ावा दे रही है। प्रस्तुत कदम को ‘देश के युवाओं के मनमस्तिष्क पर हिन्दू राष्ट्र की मानसिकता लादने के तौर पर, सामाजिक विभाजन पैदा करने के े कदम के तौर पर’ देखा जा रहा है। यह भी आरोप लगे हैं कि उसका मकसद है युवाओं के मनों को हिन्दू बनाम गैरहिन्दू के आधार पर बांटना, उपरी तौर पर सांस्क्रतिक और धार्मिक तौर पर बहुवचनी दिखना, मगर एक ऐसे समाज को प्रचारित करना जो हिन्दू समाज व्यवस्था से निर्धारित हो।’

याद रहे कि प्रस्तुत किताब का प्रकाशन भाजपा की अगुआई वाले राजग गठबन्धन सरकार के पहले दौर में – वाजपेयी के प्रधानमंत्रित्व काल में हुआ था, तथा प्रस्तुत किताब के विमोचन समारोह में स्वयंसेवक प्रधानमंत्राी, उपप्रधानमंत्राी से लगायत तत्कालीन संघ सुप्रीमो सुदर्शन तथा कई सारे वरिष्ठ मंत्राीगण उपस्थित थे लेकिन इन सबके बावजूद यह बात छिप नहीं पायी थी कि प्रस्तुत किताब में हेडगेवार के मूल्यांकन के बारेमें संघ के चन्द वरिष्ठ नेता नाखुश थे । प्रस्तुत किताब मंे किये गये हेडगेवार के मूल्यांकन को लेकर एक समय संघ के मुखपत्रा ‘आर्गनायझर’ के सम्पादक रहे श्री के आर मलकानी द्वारा उठाये गये आक्षेपों के बारेमें राजधानी के प्रमुख अंग्रेजी दैनिक (टाईम्स आफ इण्डिया,2 अप्रैल 2003, फाउंडर्स बायोग्राफी स्प्लिटस परिवार, अक्षय मुकुल) ने समाचार भी दिया था।

Modasa - It is just a beginning

- Subhash Gatade

How Hindutva Supremacists are rushing to give themselves Clean Chit in terror related cases?

I

Whether investigations into Hindutva terror related cases are changing course? A series of apparently unconnected developments definitely strengthen the belief.

Close on the heels of renowned public prosecutor Rohini Salian's revelations that she is being pressurised to go slow on the Malegaon bomb blast case (2008) and news of no of witnesses turning hostile in the Ajmer bomb blast case (2007) and sudden decision of the NIA to shift the Sunil Joshi murder case back to M.P, has come the news that the NIA has finally decided to close the Modasa bomb blast case citing 'insufficient evidence'. 

As is being rightly said it is the first concrete indication that with the assumption of power by the BJP investigations into Hindutva terror related cases a shift in emphasis is visible. Perhaps an indication of the changed times is the statement by a senior Minister that there is 'nothing like Hindu terror in the country' despite being aware of the fact that the NIA, the premier investigating agency formed after 2008 terror attack in Mumbai to focus on terror related cases, is handling at least a sixteen high profile cases supposedly involving Hindutva terrorists and many of their top bosses are still under scanner.

Bomb blast at Modasa, part of Sabarkantha district then and recently made into a separate district, which witnessed one death and injuries to many, is one of the least explored bomb blast in the country. The following write-up tries to discuss the blast, discusses the prevalent ambience then when bombs were discovered at different places without anyone claiming responsibility for it, the interim findings of the NIA when it took over the particular case during the UPA II regime and the announcement by the then home minister P Chidambaram that the central probe agency has achieved a “breakthrough” in the 2008 Modasa (Gujarat) blast case.

The sudden turnaround by the NIA is baffling and incomprehensible, to say the least. 

II

Ramzan, the period when Muslims observe fast for a month, proves especially painful for Abida Ghori and her husband, both from Modasa, a newly carved out district from Gujarat. No not that they are not able to withstand the strenuous routine which is expected of a religious person, the particular period brings back memories of their only son Jamal Abdeen Ghori, hardly 15 years old then, who died in a bomb blast in Suka Bazar, seven years back just two days prior to Id when the people were about to begin their evening prayers (Sept. 29, 2008).

Abida can recollect each moment of his last goodbye when he had rushed outside to buy few things for the next day Sehri (eating something before dawn), when a low intensity bomb which was kept in a Hero Honda Passion motorcycle (GJ 9 R-2896) parked outside the Suka Bazar mosque exploded killing Jamal Abedeen on the spot and injured 16 others. She later learnt that the motorcycle used in the blast was having a fake number plate. Jamal was a bright lad in studies and work and a darling of the whole neighbourhood who had chalked out many plans for the coming days with his siblings. Little could he have the premonition that he would not be around to witness the celebrations, and would be buried deep in a graveyard in the town ?

Few days back Abida has learned from a local reporter that the police has closed the investigations in the case and she would never be able to know who killed her only son for no fault of him. She was not surprised to hear this as she has seen the behaviour of the police and administration people who had never bothered to visit her once all these intervening years. In fact, from day one she was not hopeful about the police who had exhibited connivance with the communal elements during the 2002 riots and in fact, the person who was handling the Modasa blast case was infamous for such behaviour. 

From one of her relatives who lived in Ahmedabad she had learnt that this particular police officer was reported to have told victims seeking protection then ‘today your time has come . We have been told not to help. These are orders from the top.” She was also informed that one of the worst massacres of Muslims happened in an area called Naroda Patiya, Ahmedabad which was then under the jurisdiction of this man only. 

Confronting Discrimination - New Issue of Critique Magazine

New Issue of Critique "Confronting Discrimination" is out. Critique Magazine, March-August, 2015, Volume: 3 Issue: 2. Pg. 48. Rs. 30 /-. Critique is brought out by Delhi University chapter of New Socialist Initiative. Sharing below the cover of this issue and the content list.

Content

1. Editorial: Confronting Discrimination

2. सम्पादकीय: भेदभाव के विरोध में 

3. White-washing the Paints on the Wall: A Reflection on Racism - Amrapali Basumatary

4. सिक्के के दो पहलू हैं निजी और राजनीतिक - सिंथुजन वरथराजा 

5. Why its Difficult to See Eye to Eye - Vikramaditya Sahai

विभाजन की लकीरें

- जावेद अनीस

सआदत हसन मंटो ने अपनी मशहूर रचना 'टोबा टेक सिंह' में एक मेंटल हॉस्पिटल का जिक्र करते हुए बताया गया कि सन47 में सिर्फ हिन्दुस्तान के लोग और ज़मीन नहीं बटें थे बल्कि मानसिक रोगियों का भी विभाजन हुआ था, दरअसल कहानी में ये मानसिक रोगी तथाकथित होशमंदों के प्रतीक थे.भारतीय उपमहाद्वीप के उस विभाजन को 66 साल हो रहे हैं जिसके नतीजे में भारत और पाकिस्तान नाम के दो राष्ट्र अस्तित्व में आए। यह 2015 है जब विभाजन के दौर की संतानें अपने उम्र के अंतिम पड़ाव पर हैं ,लेकिन ऐसा लग रहा है कि समय तीन सौ साठ डिग्री घूम कर फिर वहीँ पहुच गया है जहाँ हम उसे 1947 में छोड़ कर आगे बढ़ आये थे और 'टोबा टेक सिंह” के मेंटल भूतों की वापसी हो गयी है। विभाजन का सोया हुआ जिन्न जाग गया लगता है, हिन्दूओं और मुस्लिमों के नाम पर बनीं सियासी जमातों की राजनीति की मुख्यधारा में वापसी के संकेत बन रहे हैं और पंथनिरपेक्ष, बहुलतावादी और सहअस्तित्व के विचार हाशिये पर पंहुचा दिए गए लगते हैं।

वर्ष 2014 लोकसभा चुवाव ने मुस्लिम वोट बैंक, अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय के समर्थन के बिना भारत में कोई सरकार नहीं बना सकता है जैसे कई मिथ तोड़ दिए थे और देश में पहली बार एक बहुसंख्यकवादी मुकम्मल दक्षिणपंथी सरकार वजूद में आयी थी, जिसके मुखिया ने अपने चुनाव प्रचार के शुरुआत में मुम्बई की गलियों में पड़े पैमाने पर बड़े-बड़े होर्डिंग्स लगवाये थे जिसमें बड़े -बड़े अक्षरों में लिखा हुआ था ‘मैं हिंदू राष्ट्रवादी हूं’। अब जहाँ एक तरफ मुल्क के राजनीतिक पटल पर एक ऐसी राजनीतिक विचार सबसे बड़ी ताकत बन चुकी है जो बहुसंख्यकवाद की पैरोकार है और ऐसे दृष्टिकोण को बढ़ावा दे रही है जिससे राष्ट्र की एकता खतरे में पड़ सकती है, वहीँ दूसरी ओर एक ऐसी सियासी जामत भी पटल पर प्रवेश कर चुकी है जो चारमीनार के परछाईयों को दूर छोड़ते हुए पूरे देश के मुसलमानों के राजनीतिक गोलबंदी की दिशा में आगे बढ़ रही है। एक तरफ जहाँ आये दिन लव जिहाद, धर्मांतरण और हिन्दू राष्ट्र का शोर उठाया जा रहा है तो दूसरी तरफ यह ऐलान किया जा रहा है कि “इस्लाम सभी धर्मों का वास्तविक घर है और जब सभी धर्मों के लोग इसे अपनाएंगे,तब यह वास्तविक 'घर वापसी' होगी।“

इसी खेल को जारी रखते हुए केंद्र और महाराष्ट्र में बीजेपी सरकार के सहयोगी पार्टी के नेता और भारतीय संसद के सदस्य संजय राउत ने मुख्यपत्र “सामना” में मुसलमानों से वोट देने का अधिकार छीनने की मांग करते हुए लिखते हैं कि‘‘अगर मुसलमानों का इस्तेमाल केवल राजनीति करने के लिए इस तरह किया जा रहा है तो उनका कभी विकास नहीं हो सकता। जब तक मुस्लिमों का इस्तेमाल वोट बैंक की राजनीति के लिए होता रहेगा, उनका कोई भविष्य नहीं होगा और इसलिए बालासाहब ने एक बार कहा था कि मुस्लिमों का मताधिकार वापस लिया जाए। उन्होंने सही कहा था।’’ उन्होंने ऑल इंडिया मजलिस-ए-इत्तिहादुल-मुस्लिमीन (एमआईएम) और उसके नेताओं ओवैसी बंधुओं की तुलना भी ऐसे जहरीले सांपों से की जो अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय का शोषण करने के लिए जहर उगलते रहते हैं।अब बारी इस खेल के दूसरे खिलाडी एमआईएम के नेता असादुद्दीन ओवैसी की थी जिन्होंने “पलटवार’ करते हुए कहाकि “कोई माई का लाल मुसलमानों मताधिकार नहीं छीन सकता है”।

Praful Bidwai Is No More

-Subhash Gatade

Praful Bidwai is no more. He died in Amsterdam on Tuesday evening due to a cardiac arrest.

With his death we have lost the 'best left-wing journalist' in this part of South Asia whose articles appeared in many newspapers and magazines in the subcontinent and in the middle east and was frequently published by The Guardian, Le Monde Diplomatique as well.

Praful will be missed by thousands and thousands of his readers (this pen pusher included) who were 'groomed' by him in a career spanning more than four decades. For them he was one such voice who remained uncompromising in his strident criticism of communal fundamentalisms of various kinds and the crony capitalism which is having a field day these days. He was a leading voice for nuclear disarmament and peace as well and had written extensively on it.

It was a strange coincidence that we met last in the capital when a memorial meeting was organised by Communist Party of India to remember the legendary Comrade Govind Pansare who was assassinated few days back. He was to speak in the meeting. The meeting was yet to start and I could steal some time to talk to him. He told he is working on a book - which was near completion - on the left movement in the country and had interviewed many activists associated with the movement to listen to their understanding of challenges before the left. And in that connection he had long meeting with Com Pansare - once in Kolhapur and one possibly in Mumbai. He shared his fascination about the energies he still had at that age for 'the cause'.

Few days after the meeting, there was a call from him asking for a phone number of a dalit activist which incidentally I did not have. Yes, that was the last time I spoke to him.

Hey Ram ! Madhav

- Subhash Gatade

Ram Madhav, the first official spokesperson of RSS (later removed or discharged from this role) and these days 'loaned' to BJP as a 'senior leader' engaged in what an analyst called double delete asana on International Yoga Day. The first of this kind of 'asana' - unheard before - was rather necessitated by the impetuosity with which the net savvy leader tweeted about 'absence of Vice President Hamid Ansari' from the celebrations and the 'blackout of the programme by Rajya Sabha TV which is chaired by him' and later tweeted 'an apology about the confusion' and within no time deleted both the tweets.

By evening it was clear that not only the Rajya Sabha TV had provided a live coverage of the programme but also provided clarifications about honourable Vice President's absence. It was revealed that he was not invited for the programme by the concerned minister. In fact his office had to issue a press release to the effect because of the insinuations which were being spread targeting him and perhaps also tell the likes of Ram Madhav that there is something called protocol which the Vice President has to follow.

One does not know whether it would be possible for Mr Ram Madhav to comprehend such nuances of democratic procedures because for him such details are of no consequence. In fact if he was really concerned about absence of Vice President of India in the said programme, he could have easily phoned his office and made further enquiry. But as we know he just wanted to underline his absence from such a programme of 'national glory' when India was supposedly 'leading the world'. It was an indirect way to further the illiberal and exclusivist agenda he has been exposed to since younger days. 

We know that this is not for the first time that the honourable Vice President has been targeted in such a lowly manner and a campaign of calumny and insinuation has been launched against him. During President Obama's visit also a similar controversy was raked up by the same elements when national anthem was being played during Republic Day celebrations at Rajpath. A photo of the programme was widely shared on social media wherein the President of India was seen to be saluting the national flag whereas Vice President Hamid Ansari and many other dignitaries were seen merely standing. 

"Why didn't Hamid Ansari salute the national flag?" This question seemed to be top most on the minds of the self-proclaimed defenders of patriotism then. In fact, home minister Rajnath Singh and external affairs minister SushmaSwaraj didn't salute the flag either, but as expected their patriotism was not questioned. Many hate tweets were hurled at the Vice President then ranging from "Jihadi sympathiser", "anti-India", "traitor", few of them even demanded that he be impeached also.

No To Ambedkar-Periyar in ‘Modern Day Agraharam’?

- Subhash Gatade

Whether discussing issues of contemporary concern among students, raising debates around them on the campus – taking inspiration from the ideas of leading social revolutionaries of 20th century – should be construed as an act of creating ‘social disharmony’ or ‘spreading hatred’ ?

Any sane person would rather reject this weird proposal but it appears that the bureaucrats in the Ministry of Human Resources Development (MHRD) think otherwise. It was evident in the way they acted on an anonymous complaint regarding the activities of a group of students in IIT Madras which calls itself ‘Ambedkar-Periyar Study Circle’ (APSC) – which comprises mainly of dalit, bahujan andadivasi students. Perhaps they were worried that the particular students group, has been critical about PM Modi’s policies and has been raising issues of caste, communalism as well as corporate loot of resources and challenging the ‘development’ narrative which is popular these days among a section of people. The impetuosity with which they acted when they wrote to the management of the Institute can also be gauged from the fact that in this process they violated the recommendations of the CVC (Central Vigilance Commission) itself which has ‘barred’ organisations from taking action on such (anonymous) complaints.

As of now the issue of ‘derecognition’ of APSC by the IITM management, has snowballed into a major controversy, with issues of curtailment of freedom of expression, infringement of autonomy of educational institutions and dominance of caste in higher education all coming to the fore. There have been demonstrations in Madras/Chennai and other major cities protesting this arbitrary clamping down on a student’s group. There are reports that students from other institutions like Mumbai, Delhi and Kharagpur have come forward to form similar groups on their campuses to express their solidarity with them.

The way this issue has unfolded has also caused unease in the academic world in the west also and one learns that Prof Mumford, president of the International Mathematical Union and a former Harvard University professor, – who has been a regular visitor to the IITM campus – expressed his displeasure over the developments there in a mail. He has reminded the management that

 “..[c]ampuses must allow open discussion of divisive issues even when it offends some people so that all its aspects are out in the open. Today’s youth are tomorrow’s leaders and one wants them to think deeply about the direction to which we are headed.”

It is true that neither the ministry nor the management had expected that this move would be met with any resistance. Their assessment must have been that this ‘derecognition’ would give a signal to all dissenting voices on different campuses to either fall in line or face consequences. Taken aback by the strong reaction, they do not know how to wriggle themselves out of the situation.

According to reports the Smriti Irani led MHRD is at pains to explain that it did not try to dictate terms to the management of the IITM, and had nothing to do with this ‘clamping down’. It also wants to assure its detractors that it respects the autonomy of academic institutions. It is a different matter that there are no takers of this ‘line’ in the academic world. People are aware that the same ministry which felt concerned about activities of APSC has been a silent spectator about the activities of other right-wing Hindutva groups on the same campus, who have been spreading irrational ideas, superstitions and have no qualms in inviting controversial Gurus on the campus, freely using IIT’s name and resources. An idea of the activities such groups take up can be had from ‘Vivekananda Study circle’ (VSC) which was founded in late 90’s which has held talks which advocate Intelligent design and which claim the existence of Quantum Physics in Vedic Sciences. Forget action or censure, such organizations receive complete support of IIT administration.

Of course, it is not for the first time that actions by Ms Irani’s ministry have caused consternation on the campuses. Few months back, acting on representation from a RSS worker in Madhya Pradesh, it had taken the unusual step of policing university campuses to find out what was cooking in their kitchen. The directors of all IITs and IIMs were sent letters seeking details of cooking and catering arrangements in their institutions, and directing them to send “action taken’’ report on RSS swayamsevaks’ demand for separate dining halls for vegetarian and non-vegetarian students on grounds that “these institutes are spreading bad culture from the West (“kusanskar”) and causing grief to the parents’’.

Not some time ago the same ministry again caught itself on wrong foot when Director of IIT Delhi resigned supposedly to express his displeasure over the pressures brought on him allegedly at the behest of the top bosses. It was rumoured that there was pressure on him to ‘allot’ IIT’s playground to a Cricket academy run by someone close to the corridors of power and he had refused to oblige.

Anyone who has closely followed the trajectory of this government which is becoming more and more infamous for violating procedures/processes, bypassing institutions and challenging established norms of governance would not be shocked about the present turn of events in IITM. And let me admit that it would be ‘unfair’ to single out MHRD for such arbitrary action. This is part of new culture which is being fostered these days. Few days back this same government ‘appointed’ an information officer as director of DD news, asked her to report directly to the IB ministry, completely bypassing the Prasar Bharati, which is the only authorised body to make such appointments and thus signalling that the autonomy of Prasar Bharati under the Modi dispensation can henceforth RIP (rest in peace).