Wednesday, February 25, 2015

हम सब पानसरे

– सुभाष गाताडे



अभी पिछले साल की बात है जब जनवरी के मध्य में महाराष्ट्र के कोल्हापुर में ‘डा दाभोलकर की हत्या और तर्कशीलता/विवेकवाद’ विषय पर बोलते हुए कामरेड गोविन्द पानसरे, ने एक अहम बात कही थी कि अंधश्रद्धा के खिलाफ संघर्षरत रहे डा दाभोलकर की हत्या इसी वजह से हुई क्योंकि वह विवेकवादी थे। उनका कहना था कि
‘ऐसे सभी लोग जिन्होंने तर्कशीलता का रास्ता अपनाया, उसका प्रचार किया, उन तमाम लोगों को कुर्बानी देनी पड़ी है। तर्कशीलता की बलिवेदी पर अपने आप को न्यौछावर करनेवाले डा दाभोलकर न पहले शख्स हैं और न आखरी। तर्कशीलता और तर्कशीलता विरोध का यह संघर्ष आदिम काल से चल रहा है और उसमें बदल करना है या नहीं इसके बारे में आप को फैसला लेना होगा।’
निश्चित ही उस वक्त़ किसे यह गुमान हो सकता था कि महज एक साल के अन्दर शहीदों की इस गौरवशाली परम्परा में उनका नाम भी जुड़ जाएगा।

20 फरवरी 2015 को मुंबई के ब्रीच कैण्डी अस्पताल में कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी के इस वरिष्ठ नेता ने अपनी अन्तिम सांस ली। 16 फरवरी को सुबह जब वह अपनी पत्नी उमा के साथ सुबह टहलते हुए लौट रहे थे, तब मोटरसाइकिल सवार युवकों ने उन पर गोलियां चलायी थी। अपनी लम्बी जिन्दगी लेखन से लेकर आन्दोलन, संगठन निर्माण से लेकर रचनात्मक काम आदि तमाम मोर्चों पर एक साथ सन्नद्ध रहा यह सेनानी, चार दिन जिन्दगी और मौत से संघर्ष कर, यह जंग हार गया। इसे विचित्र संयोग कहा जा सकता है कि डा दाभोलकर की मौत और उनकी मौत के तरीके में भी एक समानता थी, मोटरसाइकिल पर सवार युवकों ने दोनों पर तभी गोलियां चलायी गयीं जब वह सुबह टहल कर लौट रहे थे।

अगले दिन कोल्हापुर शहर में हजारों लोगों के जनसमूह ने अपने इस प्रिय नेता को अपना आखरी लाल सलाम पेश किया। ‘जो हिटलर की चाल चलेगा, वह हिटलर की मौत मरेगा’ ‘कामरेड पानसरे अमर रहे’ जैसे नारों के बीच बिना किसी धार्मिक विधि के सम्पन्न उनके अन्तिम संस्कार में उनकी बेटी स्मिता, बहू मेघा और पोतों ने उनकी चिता में अग्नि प्रज्वलित की। इस हत्या के विरोध में और अपराधियों की गिरफतारी की मांग को लेकर कोल्हापुर और महाराष्ट के तमाम हिस्सों में स्वयंस्फूर्त बन्द का आयोजन किया गया।

जिला नगर के ग्राम कोल्हार में जनमे /26 नवम्बर 1933/ कामरेड पानसरे की महाविद्यालयीय शिक्षा प्रिन्स शिवाजी मराठा बोर्डिंग में हुई, बाद में उन्होंने राजाराम कॉलेज से स्नातक की पदवी ली और फिर नौकरी करते हुए कानून की परीक्षा भी पास की। और 1952 से ही कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी का काम शुरू किया। और गोवा मुक्ति संग्राम से लेकर संयुक्त महाराष्ट आन्दोलन, महंगाई के खिलाफ आन्दोलन या बांधपीड़ितों की लड़ाई या अंधश्रद्धा के खिलाफ संघर्ष जैसे तमाम कामों में वह लगातार सक्रिय रहे। बहुत कठिन परिस्थिति में पले बढ़े पानसरे ने जीविका चलाने के लिए कभी अख़बार बिक्रेता और नगरपालिका में चपरासी जैसी नौकरी भी की। बाद में वह कोल्हापुर बार एसोसिएशन के अध्यक्ष भी बने, शिवाजी विद्यापीठ के पत्रकारिता विभाग में वह कुछ समय तक सहयोगी व्याख्याता के तौर पर भी सक्रिय रहे।

[PADS Statement] Expression of Concern Over Disruption of Discussion on a Book by the Author Noor Zaheer

People’s Alliance for Secularism and Democracy (PADS)

Press Release

Date: 23 February 2015

Expression of Concern Over Disruption of Discussion on a Book by the Author Noor Zaheer

People’s Alliance for Secularism and Democracy (PADS) is alarmed to learn that the short story writer and novelist Noor Zaheer, who is the author of a new book titled ‘Denied by Allah’ faced a disruption of a discussion on her book at the World Book Fair in Delhi on 22 February 2015; We condemn any attempts to threaten and to silence an exponent for women’s rights in India. We fully defend her rights to publically signal how religious laws, injunctions and practices impede on women’s rights.

We would like to alert all in the media, and secular minded groups that they should provide space to highlight the views expressed by Noor Zaheer. We are concerned about the well-being of the author and her publisher. The freedom to express opinions is one of the key hallmarks of any democratic society, and threats to these should be taken seriously without fear of hurting anyone’s sentiments.

Released in New Delhi
by Dipak Dholakia, Dilip Simeon, and Sanjay Kumar
On behalf of PADS

Monday, February 9, 2015

Delhi University Contract Workers Forum Registers Protest over Prof. Thapan's Appointment as Provost

09/02/2015
DELHI UNIVERSITY THEKA MAJDOOR MANCH
Contact: ducontractlabourforum@gmail.com| +919013074978

Open Letter to University of Delhi administration

To,
The Dean of Colleges,
University of Delhi,
Delhi.

We strongly condemn the University’s decision to appoint Prof. Meenakshi Thapan of the Department of Sociology as the Provost of the International Students’ House for Women (ISHW). As is publicly known, Prof Thapan was the Provost of the neighbouring Ambedkar-Ganguly Students’ House for Women (AGSHW) till July 2014, after which she resigned from the position in face of criticism and opposition from the hostel’s Managing Committee. These stemmed from numerous complaints about misbehaviour and/or infringements of the rights of contract workers in that hostel under Prof. Thapan’s management. The gravity of these complaints and irregularities can be gauged from the following:

  • In the past few years, whenever complaints about misbehaviour of hostel administration or infringements of the rights of contract workers were taken to the authorities of the AGSHW, the contract workers in question – sanitation workers and security guards for the most – were instantly dismissed, despite good service record of many years’ standing. 
  • Sanitation and housekeeping workers have been made to work at the Provost and Resident Tutor’s houses during the hours when they were supposed to do their duties in the hostel. This labour was extracted through the constant humiliation and threats of job loss and was a norm under Prof. Thapan’s tenure. 
  • Given the above, members of the University’s SC/ST Employees’ Welfare Association had also intervened to communicate their knowledge of such behaviour. 
  • Over the previous three academic sessions, residents of the hostel who were part of the Students’ Welfare Committee have repeatedly issued formal complaints against her management to office-bearers in the administration. Similarly, Prof. Thapan’s mismanagement of the hostel’s financial affairs in 2010, negligence of duties in times of crisis and constant harassment of workers have also been made public from time to time by the Students’ Welfare Association of the AGSHW. 
It was only after the persistent intervention of members of the New Socialist Initiative (NSI), hostel residents and faculty members on the hostel's Managing Committee concerned over violation of the law that the wages in the hostel were raised to the legally stipulated minimum wage. However, the non-payment of arrears to all those workers who worked below minimum wages for several years before is as yet an unresolved issue. 

These and other matters relating to mismanagement under Prof. Thapan’s tenure as Provost to the AGSHW are in the public domain as public record. Two separate Managing Committees of the AGSHW over the last two academic sessions would be able to confirm these violations and attest to the changes effected in the running of the hostel to avoid the possibility of further disturbance caused by the Provost’s mismanagement. It should be noted that while neighbouring hostels attempted to resolve these issues through negotiations and dialogue, no such interaction was possible under Prof. Thapan’s management. Significantly, it should further be noted that:
  • on 8th April 2014, a safai karmachari of AGSHW was humiliated and abused by the Provost and her husband, while he was working at her residence. Following his refusal to work in the Provost’s residence and request to be given duties within the hostel premises only, which is in keeping with his job description and rules of the hostel, he was further victimised. Workers' solidarity and concern among the student residents on this issue drew the ire of the Provost, who then removed 5 out of 6 sanitation workers and 6 security guards from their jobs at the hostel. 
  • on 1st July 2014, AGSHW brought to our notice that on the occasion of his overnight dismissal from his job, a security guard was told by the Resident Tutor to take off his uniform given to him by the hostel and return home shirtless. Such bodily humiliation of people, some of who belong to the Dalit community is clearly punishable under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) act 1989. 
Hence, despite being aware of her violations of the Minimum Wages Act and her committing acts of humiliation that are tantamount to a violation of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989, the University administration’s decision to reappoint Prof. Thapan to a similar position where she can exercise power over contract labourers is shocking and deeply disturbing. Apart from Prof. Thapan’s resignation on the same issue, we are witness to no action by the University. Instead, Prof. Thapan’s reinstatement as the Provost of the neighbouring hostel within the same hostel complex seems like a sanction her illegal and inept management from the University itself and cannot but be seen as an act of disrespect for human dignity.

In light of these widely known public concerns, we demand that the University authorities revoke the appointment of Prof. Thapan as the new Provost of the International Students' House for Women. The University should provide a fair and rational work environment, instead of making the staff insecure and fearful of daily bullying and humiliation as soon as they step into their work site. We also endorse the following demands made by the NSI in its letter dated 7th July 2014 to the Chairperson of the Managing Committee of the AGSHW and hope that these will be met before this academic session is over:
  1. An immediate end to the continuous harassment and victimization of workers, and their reinstatement. 
  2. The removal of the Provost and the Resident Tutor and legal action against the former. 
  3. A grievance redressal mechanism to prevent and deal with future incidents of humiliation. 

In addition, the NSI asked that:

  1. Given the past record of private contractors and the lack of compliance with the law, the University must not privatize regular work of the hostel. 
  2. All past arrears of workers must be settled with immediate effect. 
  3. The minimum wages should be increased to a living wage of Rs. 12,000 per month.
  4. The number of sanitation and housekeeping workers must be increased as they have diminished over the last two years. 
  5. All official communication with workers must be in a language they understand. 
We hope that you will take cognisance of the grave violations of not just the law of the land but also basic tenets of human dignity at stake in this matter and act in a just, non-discriminatory manner.

Sincerely,
Delhi University Theka Mazdoor Manch

**********

Sunday, January 25, 2015

Long Live Charlie Hebdo! : A letter to the left leaning in wake of Charlie Hebdo shootings of January 2015

- Harsh Kapoor

[This article first appeared on South Asia Citizens Web (sacw), to read it on sacw please click here. A slightly edited version of the below article is appearing in Mainstream Weekly, 31 January 2015]

The January 2015 terror attack on the Paris satirical weekly and its gross misinterpretation by people of Left liberal sensibilities in India and much of the world.

We recently witnessed a devastating terror assault by fanatics who gunned down close to 200 children in a school in Peshawar. Was this a desperate cry of the dispossessed in Pakistan? I am glad that the various tiny fractions of the left in Pakistan stood up and condemned it openly, some in India also stood up for the first time. It provoked widespread shock and disdain.

But the terrorist assassination of 12 cartoonists, journalists and workers at Charlie Hebdo in Paris on 7 January 2015 has provoked very different reactions. Geographical location of the murder seems to drive this.

I am utterly astounded and shocked at the manner in which many in the left leaning and liberal circles in India have reacted to the devastating terror attack in Paris. Has a section of left gone mad? Why do they have to deflect a straight forward issue and start providing rationalisation for terror attacks from the Muslim fundamentalists. We are being given an endless spiel on French colonisation, the war for decolonization in Algeria, the exclusion of the so-called Muslim ‘community’ in France, the blowback for France’s foolish involvement in the recent wars in Libya and Syria and so on. The role of poor and dispossessed is being invoked.

Commentators from the anglo saxon world and even our desi left intelligentsia who are waxing eloquent on the Charlie Hebdo massacre are making the most absurd amalgam between the French establishment and a truly radical far left wing magazine which shared absolutely nothing in common.

Charlie Hebdo is presented as the center of all evil that existed ever and that it had it coming, that their cartoons were racist and hurt sentiments. All this reminds me of 1989 and the Rushdie affair when this hurt sentiment industry made it big and has since become globalised. India’s Picasso, M.F. Hussain, was forced to leave his country by the wrath of the Hindu Far Right, all in the name of hurt sentiments. Many of the same radicals who stood by M.F. Hussain are now shamelessly standing up with free rationalisation for the Charlie Hebdo killers. Why such different treatment for different religio-fundamentalist strands? Were the poor and dispossessed involved in going after M.F. Hussain or in the assassination of M.K. Gandhi? What about the assassination of Salman Tasseer? Poor and oppressed, any takers?

Charlie Hebdo was born in rebellious times of May 1968 in France. It had been preceded by other radical magazines like Hara Kiri and Enragé and many others. But they are in many ways part of a lineage of a very long historical tradition dating back to the French revolution and Jacobins of radical caricature making and mocking the powers that be — religious or other — in every sphere of life. The French revolution was the time of incredibly powerful irreverence and it gave birth to a very incisive form of satire and lampooning. Many magazines with satirical drawing accompanying text emerged during this time and have continued since. Later a much softer version of this developed in Britain and elsewhere.

The 1968 generation Charlie Hebdo has had an even more militant libertarian non conformist view of the world, groomed by a radical antipathy to the political power of religious authority, and a deep identification with ideas of the broad left. Pungent depictions the magazine runs are devastatingly funny that poke fun at everything, just every thing that makes for daily life. This vitriolic humour has come to be vital part of French intellectual and popular culture and there is a social acceptance for it. Millions read satirical comics, satirical newspapers, and magazines. Its anti religious politics takes apart the clergy, most of all the nuns, bishops, popes, rabbis, all who represent the high and mighty and, more recently the Dalai Lama, the new cults, and also in the recent times imams, mullahs as gate keepers of religion.

Charile Hebdo has a bawdy, burlesque style of black humour. Not for the weak hearted. In 1970 Charlie Hebdo made fun of Charles de Gaulle, president and leader of the Resistance, on the day of his death, provoking demands from the Right for its ban. The publication ceased in 1981 and was revived in 1991. Charlie Hebdo and its cartoonists have faced hundreds of court cases since its creation. But it has continued to strike against powerful capitalists, bureaucratic and religious elites. The many targets of Charlie Hebdo’s cartoons and journalism have been the far right extremists, police repression, war mongering, the big corporate media, anti immigrant policies, capitalist and employer wrongdoing, the big banks and the stock markets, cuts in public spending and the military industrial complex, the nuclear industry, homophobia, conservative social values, denial of climate change, the food industry, the big pharma etc etc.

In the English speaking world, there is practically no tradition of satirical magazines like Charlie Hebdo or say a newspaper like Le Canard Enchainé (A Duck in chains — Canard/Duck is French slang for newspaper) that deploy sardonic cartoons with investigative journalism and opinion pieces as standard fare. The kind of fiercely brutal cartoons that appear in Charlie Hebdo and the like in France have no chance of appearing in Britain, in the United States, Canada, Australia and most of the world. This would pass as obscene bad taste, it is matter of culture as to what is obscene or distasteful. In a country like India, the Charlie style cartoons would be unacceptable to both the left and right and the non ideological and unthinking.

Friday, January 23, 2015

Where Have all the Swings gone?

- Subhash Gatade

Who ‘stole’ our playground ?

Photo Courtesy : Brian Inganga/AP
There are occasions when simple questions raised by innocent people – even by kids – invite brutal wrath of the authorities. The kids of Langata Road Primary School in Nairobi learned it a very hard way. Back from Christmas vacations when they found that the playground of the school – which provided them enough space to unwind themselves – has just ‘disappeared’ behind ‘iron walls’ with security people guarding it, they had raised this simple question. Sympathetic teachers had told them that a dominant politician in Nairobi, who wanted space to park cars of people visiting a neighbouring mall owned by him, has ‘taken over’ their playground.

Definitely it was not an unusual event – at least in Nairobi which happens to be one of the fastest growing real estate markets in the world – where real estate mafias are so powerful that with the connivance of political masters they are able to ‘acquire’ vacant or unmarked land plots without much difficulty. And land belonging to public schools is considered ‘under threat’ of land sharks as it is not properly delineated to them.

But nobody could have predicted that the kids in Langata School would prove to be biggest stumbling block in their ‘peaceful’ expansion and would literally ‘make history’. As rightly pointed out by an analyst these kids did what ordinary Kenyans are rarely able to do: defend disappearing public space.

It is widely known how the silent protest by the kids – some as old as 8 years – and their attempt to recover their playground was met with brutal lathicharge and firing of tear gas shells on the kids, with fresh reinforcements from police and military being called to ‘quell’ this ‘mini revolt’.

The whole incident caught on camera sparked outrage across the city and also on social media. The shocking images and videos of the ordeal caused so much uproar that President of Kenya Uhuru Kenyatta, had to personally intervene who condemned the use of tear gas, suspended a senior government official and sent his interior minister to the school the very next day, who personally apologised to the kids. It does not need underlining that their playground which was literally taken over by the real estate man and properly fenced was restored to the kids.

As if to redeem itself of its guilt the government had rushed in bulldozers to the playground supposedly to ‘gift’ the students a brand new flattened soccer field.

Gregory Warner, International Correspondent of NPR ends his story on this episode with these words.
That’s not how these stories usually end. Land grabs are such a divisive issue in Kenya that the most controversial ones have sparked deadly ethnic riots and even acts of terrorism.

Sunday, January 18, 2015

मजहब पर व्यंग्य बनाम व्यंग्य का मजहब

-जावेद अनीस


पेशावर में बहाया गया मासूमों का खून अभी जमा भी नहीं था कि मजहबी पागलपन ने एक और हादसा अंजाम दे डाला है और इस बार नफरत की यह लकीर मोहब्बत के शहर कहे जाने वाले फ्रांस में खीची गयी है नए साल के पहले हफ्ते में जब दुनिया भर में लोग शांति और प्रगति की कामना करते हुए एक दूसरे को शुभकामनायें दे रहे थे तो उसी दौरान पेरिस से प्रकाशित होने वाली एक पत्रिका के कार्यालय पर हमला करके 12 इंसानों को मार डाला गया "शार्ली ऐब्डो" नाम की इस व्यंग्य-पत्रिका में इस्लाम के पैगंबर के कार्टून छापे गये थे 

यह वही मैगजीन है जिससे तमाम कट्टरपंथी नाराज थे और इस मैगजीन से जुड़े तमाम लोग अलकायदा की हिटलिस्ट में शामिल थे। लेकिन जो हुआ उसका अंदाजा किसी को भी नहीं था गौरतलब है कि इस हमले के कुछ दिन पूर्व ही मैगजीन ने टि्वटर पर आईएसआईएस चीफ अल बगदादी  की तस्वीर वाली एक फोटो पोस्ट की थी। जिसमें व्यंग्य करते हुए बगदादी के अच्छे स्वास्थ्य की कामना की गई थी इससे पूर्व 2011 में भी इस मैगजीन के ऑफिस पर बम फेंक कर से हमला किया गया था लेकिन कोई हताहत नहीं हुआ था। हमें लगा था की इंसानियत अपने मतभेद जाहिर करने के लिए मारकाट का खूनी शगल बहुत पीछे छोड़ आई है लेकिन यहाँ मतभेद निपटाने का पुराना और घिनौना रूप ही लागू है और अब तो हमारे हाथों में इस पुराने खेल को जारी रखने के लिए आधुनिकतम हथियार भी हैं।

इस बार हमला “फ़्री स्पीच” पर था, और वह भी उस मुल्क में जो पिछले कुछ सदियों से  अभिव्यक्ति के आजादी बड़ा पक्षधर रहा है। फ्रांस आधुनिक सभ्यता और ज्ञानोदय का मरकज है, फ्रांस की क्रांति ने ही मानव और नागरिक अधिकारों की घोषणा की थी और इससे निकले समानता, स्वतंत्रता और भातृत्व के नारे आज आधुनिक समाजों के आधार स्तंभ हैं पिछले करीब तीन सदियों से पूरी दुनिया विचारों,साहित्य और कलां के क्षेत्र में फ्रांस की ओर ही देखती रही है

दरयाऐ सेन के किनारे बसा इसका शहर पेरिस दुनिया के सबसे ख़ूबसूरत और आधुनिक शहरों में से एक है।  पेरिस में 1777 में ही “जूरनाल द पारी” नाम की पहली पत्रिका का प्रकाशन शुरू हुआ था और देखते ही देखते दो सालों के दरमियान ही पेरिस से 79 पत्र-पत्रिकाएँ प्रकाशित होने लगीं, उस दौरान वहां ऐसे लोग पैदा होने लगे थे जो फ्रांस की स्थितियों पर अपने कलम से व्यंग्य करते थे ऐसे ही एक दार्शनिक विचारक थे “वोल्तेयर”(1694-1778) जिन्होंने तत्कालीन फ्रांस में चर्च पर व्यंग्य कसते हुए कहा था कि “अब तो कोई ईसाई बचा ही नहीं, क्योंकि एक ही ईसाई था और उसे सलीब पर चढ़ा दिया गया” उन्होंने उस समय कैथोलिक चर्च को उसके असहिष्णुता, अंधविश्वास और पाखंड के कारण उसे नष्ट करने का आह्वान किया था

Sunday, January 11, 2015

टिपू सुलतान से नफरत, नाथुराम गोडसे से प्यार

English version of this article is available  HERE

 – सुभाष गाताडे

आखिर मैसूर का शेरकेसरिया पलटन को आज भी क्यों खौफनाक लगता है

केसरिया पलटन ने फिर एक बार उसी कारनामे को अंजाम दिया है। उन्होंने फिर एक बार महान टिपू सुलतान /20 नवम्बर 1750-4 मई 1799/ – जो उन गिने चुने राजाओं में थे जिन्होंने अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ लड़ते हुए युद्ध के मैदान पर वीरगति प्राप्त की थी – की विरासत पर प्रश्नचिन्ह खड़े करने की कोशिश की है। श्रीरंगपटटनम की ऐतिहासिक लड़ाई में मौत का वरण किए टिपू सुलतान की शहादत 1857 के महासमर के लगभग पचास साल पहले हुई थी। और बहुत कम लोग हक़ीकत से वाकीफ हैं कि ब्रिटिशों के खिलाफ संघर्ष में टिपू सुलतान ने अपने दो बच्चों को भी खोया था।

हिन्दुत्व ब्रिगेड द्वारा टिपू सुलतान पर लांछन लगाने का फौरी कारण यही दिखता है कि पिछले दिनों कर्नाटक सरकार ने टिपू जयन्ती मनाने का फैसला लिया है। प्रख्यात इतिहासकार और टिपू के अध्येता प्रोफेसर बी शेख अली की नयी किताब टिपू सुलतान: एक क्रूसेडर फार चेंजके विमोचन के वक्त़ मुख्यमंत्राी सिद्धरमैया ने पिछले दिनों यह ऐलान किया था।
अपने वक्त़ से बहुत आगे चल रहे टिपू, जो विद्वान, फौजी एवं कवि भी थे, वह हिन्दू मुस्लिम एकता के हिमायती थे, उन्हें नयी खोजों के प्रति बहुत रूचि रहती थी और उन्हें दुनिया के पहले युद्ध राॅकेट का अन्वेषक कहा जाता है। टिपू फ्रेंच इन्कलाब से भी प्रभावित थे और मैसूर का शासक होने के बावजूद अपने आप को नागरिक के तौर पर सम्बोधित करते थे और उन्होंने अपने राजमहल में स्वतंत्राताके पौधे को भी लगाया था। इतिहास इस बात का गवाह है कि टिपू ने ब्रिटिशों के इरादों को बहुत पहले भांप लिया था और घरेलू शासकों तथा फ्रेंच , तुर्क और अफगाण शासकों से रिश्ते कायम करने की कोशिश की थी ताकि ब्रिटिशों के वर्चस्ववादी मंसूबों को शिकस्त दी जा सके और उन्होंने अपनी बेहतर योजना और उन्नत तकनीक के बलबूते दो बार ब्रिटिश सेना को शिकस्त दी थी।
उनके झंझावाती जीवन का एक प्रसंग जो हिन्दुत्ववादी संगठनों द्वारा प्रचारित की जा रही उनकी छवि के विपरीत स्पष्ट तौर पर दिखता है, उसकी चर्चा करना समीचीन होगा। वह 1791 का साल था जब मराठा सेनाओं ने श्रंगेरी शंकराचार्य मठ और मंदिर पर हमला किया, वहां के तमाम कीमती सामानों की लूटपाट की और कइयों को मार डाला। पदासीन शंकराचार्य ने टिपू सुलतान से सहायता मांगी, टिपू ने तत्काल बेदनूर के असफ को निर्देश दिया कि वह मठ की मदद करे। शंकराचार्य और टिपू सुलतान के बीच हुआ पत्राचार, जिसमें तीस पत्रा शामिल है तथा जो कन्नड भाषा में उपलब्ध है, उसकी खोज मैसूर के पुरातत्वविभाग ने 1916 में की थी। मठ पर हुए हमले को लेकर टिपू लिखते हैं:
ऐसे लोग जिन्होंने इस पवित्रा स्थान का अपवित्राीकरण किया है उन्हें अपने कुक्रत्यों की इस कलियुग में जल्द ही सज़ा मिलेगी, जैसे कि कहा गया है लोग शैतानी कामों को हंसते हुए अंजाम देते हैं, मगर उसके अंजाम को रोते हुए भुगतते हैं।’ ‘/हसदभ्भी क्रियते कर्मा रूदादभिर अनुभूयते//

इसमें कोई दो राय नहीं कि टिपू जयन्ती मनाने का प्रस्ताव दक्षिणपंथी संगठनों को नागवार गुजरा है, राज्य में प्रमुख विपक्षी पार्टी भाजपा ने इसे वोट बटोरनेका हथकंडा कहा है। उनके एक वरिष्ठ नेता ने टिपू को जुल्मी तानाशाहके तौर पर सम्बोधित करते हुए प्रस्तावित कार्यक्रम के औचित्य पर ही सवाल खड़े किए हैं। भाजपा के एक अन्य वरिष्ठ नेता डी एच शंकरमूर्ति ने उन्हें कन्नडाविरोधीकहा है क्योंकि वह कन्नाडिगानहीं थे। उनका यह भी आरोप है कि टिपू के राज सम्भालने के पहले राजकारोबार की भाषा के तौर पर कन्नड के स्थान पर पर्शियन का इस्तेमाल उन्होंने शुरू किया। वैसे अगर याददाश्त पर थोड़ा जोर देने की कोशिश करें तो पता चल सकता है कि यह वही सज्जन हैं, जिन्होंने उच्च शिक्षा मंत्री के पद पर रहते हुए जबकि भाजपा और जनता दल /सेक्युलर/ सांझा सरकार चला रहे थे यह ऐलान कर दिया था कि वह कन्नडा इतिहास से टिपू का नामोनिशान हटा देना चाहते हैं। यह अलग बात है कि बढ़ते जनाक्रोश के चलते सरकार को इस योजना को मुल्तवी करना पड़ा था।
याद रहे कि अभी पिछले ही साल जब कर्नाटक सरकार ने यह निर्णय लिया कि 26 जनवरी की दिल्ली की परेड में टिपू के सम्मान में झांकी निकालेंगेा, तबभी इन ताकतों ने उसका विरोध किया था, यहां तक कि जब तत्कालीन संप्रग सरकार ने श्रीरंगपटटनम जहां टिपू शहीद हुए थे, वहां जब एक केन्द्रीय विश्वविद्यालय उन्हीं के नाम से खोलने का प्रस्ताव रखा था, तबभी इन ताकतों ने उसका विरोध किया था।

Under the saffron flag: Long Forgotten Battle Against Hindutva Terror

Militant Hindutva has its roots in RSS’s earliest articulations of its worldview. It is an organised threat to Muslims and India’s nationhood, and has a long list of acts of terror to its credit.
BY SUBHASH GATADE
“(They) were doomed to the flames and burnt, to serve as a nightly illumination when daylight had expired. Nero offered his
gardens for the spectacle.”
—Tacitus (Roman historian and official, c.58 to 115 C.E.) The Annals, Book XV, C.E. 62-65
Nanded, a city in Maharashtra with a mixed population of different faiths—witness to the final days of Guru Gobind Singh, Sikhism’s Tenth Guru—made national headlines in 2006 for unexpected reasons.
A bomb blast at the house of Laxman Rajkondwar, a Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) activist in Patbandhare Nagar, on the night of April 4 and 5 woke the whole colony. When neighbours followed by police rushed to the place, they found the bodies of two youngsters in a pool of blood. One of them was Naresh, son of Laxman Rajkondwar. The other was Himanshu Panse, a leading activist of a rightwing Hindutva formation (RSS/Bajrang Dal) in the region.
The new element in this blast was visible to everyone. It showed an increasing similarity between Hindutva militancy and terrorism of other hues. While various enquiry commissions have looked into riots in post-Independence India and corroborated the role played by the RSS in instigating riots, the irony is that the organisation is still able to maintain its missionary image. Part of this is because the group has long maintained a strict division of labour within its ranks, delegating much of the dirty work to fringe workers.
The Nanded blasts proved to be an exception to this pattern, as RSS links were obvious. This is why, in the immediate aftermath of the explosions, the Sangh Parivar went to great lengths to suppress the news. Indeed, activist friends of this writer in Maharashtra were themselves unaware of any such incident.
The inadvertent exposure of a Hindutva terror module was followed by media investigations into similar previous incidents. Interrogation of five accomplices of the two dead men revealed that many earlier terror acts in the region where the police could not make headway were the handiwork of this module.
At one go, the police could unearth the perpetrators of the Parbhani blast at Mohammadiya Masjid (November 21, 2003); Purna (district Parbhani) blast at Meraj-ul-Uloom Madarsa and Masjid, Siddharth Nagar (August 27, 2004); and Jalna blast at Quadriya Masjid, Sadar Bazar, (August 27, 2004). (refer to Tehelka, “Nanded Blast: The Hindu Hand”, December 30, 2006.)
The April 6 blast was followed by another on February 10, 2007, in the same city which also led to the death of two men—Pandurang Amilkanthwar and his cousin Dyaneshwar Manikwar—both of the Shiv Sena. A fact-finding team led by Justice (retd.) Kolse Patil and other civil liberty activists brought out an exhaustive report on the incident but it was not followed up.
It is more than eight years since Nanded and a face of militant Hindutva—which can easily compete with violent extremisms claiming allegiance to this or that faith—became apparent. Much water has flowed down the Ganges (and all the water bodies of this part of earth) since then.
Barring a few officials of the investigating agencies—in their private communications—today no one talks about Nanded’s sudden arrival on the terror map of the country. Perhaps the residents of Nanded also would also like to forget those gory incidents, but questions remain and they will reverberate for a long time. One tends to think that since the blasts in Nanded “inaugurated” the yet unfolding Hindutva terror phase, if the police and administration had been more efficient and less prejudiced, they could have nipped the menace in the bud.

Monday, January 5, 2015

Love Godse, Hate Tipu Sultan: Why the 'Tiger of Mysore' Still Troubles the Saffrons

- Subhash Gatade

The saffrons have done it again.

They have once again showed utter contempt towards the legacy of legendary Tipu Sultan, (20 November 1750 – 4 May 1799) one of those rare kings who was martyred on the battlefield, while fighting the Britishers at the historic battle at Srirangpatnam and whose martyrdom fighting the colonials preceded the historic revolt of the 1857 by around 50 years. Not very many people even know that he had even sacrificed his children while fighting them.

The immediate reason for stigmatisation of Tipu Sultan, by the leaders of Hindutva Brigade, concerns move by the Karnataka state government led by the Congress to celebrate Tipu Jayanti or Tipu's birth anniversary. The Chief Minister Siddaramaiah had made this announcement releasing a book 'Tipu Sultan: A Crusader for Change' by historian Prof B Sheik Ali.

A commemorative postal stamp  issued
by Government of India after independence
A ruler much ahead of his times Tipu Sultan, a scholar, soldier and a poet, was an apostle of Hindu-Muslim unity, was fond of new inventions, and is called innovator of the world’s first war rocket, one who felt inspired by the French Revolution and who despite being a ruler called himself Citizen and even had planted the tree of ‘Liberty’ in his palace. History bears witness to the fact that Tipu sensed the designs of the British and tried to forge broader unity with the domestic rulers and even tried to connect with French and the Turks and the Afghans to give a fitting reply to the hegemonic designs of the British and had defeated the British army twice with his superior planning and better techniques earlier.

An interesting episode in his eventful life throwing light on his character which the saffrons love to forget is worth emphasising. It was the year 1791 when Maratha Army raided the Sringeri Shakaracharya mutt and temple, plundered the monastery of all its valuables and even killed many. The incumbent Shankaracharya wrote to Tipu Sultan for help. He immediately ordered the Asaf of Bednur to provide help to the mutt. An exchange of around thirty letters written in Kannada is available which took place between Tipu Sultan and the Shankaracharya, which were discovered in 1916 by the Director of Archaeology in Mysore.

Expressing his indignation at the raid Tipu had written:
"People who have sinned against such a holy place are sure to suffer the consequences of their misdeeds at no distant date in this Kali age in accordance with the verse: "Hasadbhih kriyate karma rudadbhir-anubhuyate" (People do [evil] deeds smilingly but suffer the consequences crying)."
o o

It is evident that the proposal to celebrate Tipu Jayanti has stirred a fresh controversy in the state. BJP, the main opposition party, has termed it 'vote collection' exercise. One of their senior leaders, called Tipu a ‘tyrant’ and even questioned the government's move to celebrate the day. Another saffron leader D H Shankaramurthy called Tipu "anti- Kannada" as he "was not a Kannadiga". He also blamed him for 'replacing Kannada - which was supposedly the official language before Tipu ruled Mysuru- with Persian.' People can brush up their memories and can find that this was the same gentleman who as higher education minister had announced his move to 'obliterate the great Tipu Sultan’s name from the pages of Kannada history.' It is a different matter it was a time when BJP shared power with JD(S) then and this move faced stiff opposition from different sections of society and had to be dropped ultimately.

It need be reminded that last year the decision of the Karnataka government to honour him with a tableau at the Republic Day parade had provoked the Hindutva Brigade. They had also felt agitated when the then central government was contemplating naming a central university after him. It was the time when UPA II government had decided to set up a non-religious central university bearing Tipu's name in Srirangpatnam - the very place he was martyred.

Two years back when countdown had already begun for the BJP led government in the state another stalwart from the saffron family - the then education minister of Karnataka - had unashamedly compared Tipu to Britishers and called him "a foreigner" like British (Jan 25, 2013, 16:38 IST , DNA).

It is worth looking into why the saffrons love to hate Tipu Sultan and what is the basis of their allegations against him. But before that it would be opportune here to look into how 'falsification of history' to suit the ‘divide’ and ‘rule policy of the Britishers vis-a-vis Tipu has been going on since quite some time. In this connection Prof B N Pandey's speech in the Rajya Sabha, titled ‘History in the Service of Imperialism’ is worth quoting (1977). Professor B. N. Pandey, Professor of History in Allahabad University, who later became Governor of Orissa, had narrated his experience. In his speech he mentioned how way back in 1928:
“..[w]hen he was a Professor of History in Allahabad University some students came to him with a book written by one Professor Harprasad Shastri, Professor of Sanskrit of Calcutta University in which it was mentioned that Tipu Sultan told 3000 Brahmins to convert to Islam otherwise they will be killed, and those 3000 Brahmins committed suicide rather than becoming Muslims. On reading this Professor B. N. Pandey wrote to Professor Harprasad Shastri asking him on what basis have you written this? What is the source of your information? Prof. Harprasad Shastri wrote back that the source of information is the Mysore Gazetteer. Then Prof. Pandey wrote to Prof. Shrikantia, Professor of History in Mysore University asking him whether it is correct that in Mysore Gazetteer it is mentioned that Tipu Sultan told 3000 Brahmins to convert to Islam. Prof. Shrikantia wrote back that this is totally false, he had worked in this field and there is no such mention in the Mysore Gazetteer, rather the correct version was just the reverse, namely, that Tipu Sultan used to give annual grants to 156 Hindu Temples, he used to send grants to the Shankaracharya of Shringheri, etc.”
o o

Sunday, December 28, 2014

[NSI Statement] Harvest of Innocent Blood: The Democracy Deficit in Bodoland, Assam

Photo Courtsey: PTI
Once again, and very soon after the last instance of mass killings and displacement, another series of bloodshed and violence has rocked Bodoland Territorial Autonomous Districts (BTAD) - Assam. On 21st December 2014, two suspected militants of the National Democratic Front of Bodoland- Songbijit Faction (NDFB-S) were killed by the security forces in an alleged cold blooded encounter in the Chirang district of BTAD-Assam. In retaliation, on 23rd December, armed militants of NDFB-S attacked Adivasi villages in Kokrajhar, Chirang and Sonitpur districts. Since then it has resulted in the death of 81 people – 73 Adivasis including many women and children as well as 3 Adivasis killed in police firing on protestors. As a mode of retaliation Adivasi mobs killed at least 8 Bodo civilians. Since 23rd December, the entire BTAD and adjoining areas like Sonitpur district have been extremely volatile and under curfew. On 25th December, the Home Minister Mr. Rajnath Singh, in a meeting with the top security top brass, which was also attended by the Assam chief minister Mr Tarun Gogoi, declared Government of India's resolve to fight terrorism and reportedly asked the security and intelligence apparati to ensure the elimination of the top leadership of NDFB-S within the next six months. Around 50 additional companies of paramilitary forces are being sent to Assam. The Army has also reportedly launched major operations in the Assam-Arunachal border region, in search of the NDFB-S militants.

The NDFB-S massacre of Adivasi civilians is not a pre-modern tribal savagery. In fact such violence is justified by notions of exclusive ethnic-homelands and nations, and their corollaries like aspiration for spatial homogenization and monopolization of resources by particular communities. The Northeast of the country is home to many armed mobilisations against the domination of Indian state that are driven by an ethnic conception of political community in a contiguous territory. The Bodos of the Assam valley started an armed movement for Bodoland in 1980s against their marginalisation by the dominant non-tribal Assamese. Following the time tested carrot and stick policy, the Government of India managed to win over a faction of the armed groups in exchange for internal autonomy under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. The BTAD was formed in 2003. Curiously, even while the majority of citizens under the BTAD area identify themselves as non-Bodos the distribution of seats under the BTAD agreement is so designed that Bodos enjoy majority in the elected body. While a faction of the Bodo leadership settled to run the BTAD, the seeds were sown for inter-ethnic clashes and violence. 

Both Bodos and Adivasis are two of the most oppressed communities of Assam. The history of colonialism made them neighbours, just like the way Muslims of East Bengal origin became their neighbours in the early 20th century. All these communities have legitimate demands for political autonomy, but their rights have to be envisioned in such a way that they do not violate similar rights of other oppressed communities. It is precisely here that the democracy of India and its attendant institutional mechanisms have failed. Instead of creating space for a democratic dialogue between communities, which could have opened ways to resolve thorny issues between them, the security obsessed state in the Northeast, which looks at political problems primarily in terms of military solutions and opportunistic deals, creates ethnic polarization. It needs emphasis that the ordinary Bodo people have genuine democratic aspirations for greater political and economic autonomy. However, under the current political arrangements the legitimate aspirations of the Bodo people have been completely hijacked by power mongering among vested interests, which try to advance their politics at the cost of the rights of other ethnic groups. Hence, it has become a norm in the BTAD to pit ordinary Bodo people against similar non-Bodo people of the region. 

Friday, December 26, 2014

The Secular Stake- A Burden, or a Democratic Imperative?

Sanjay Kumar
Mr Asaduddin Owaisi, the leader of MIM recently remarked in a media conclave that ‘Muslims are not coolies of secularism’. The statement made perfect sense for his politics. He is the leader a party that aims to mobilise voters on the basis of them being Muslim. The unprecedented success of Hindutva under Mr Modi in recent elections has upset many old electoral calculations, and opened new opportunities. Mr Owaisi is smelling a chance for the MIM to expand beyond its turf in Hyderabad, to regions where non-BJP parties have been getting the major chunk of Muslim votes with the slogan of secularism, seen principally as the promise of protection from riots. For Mr Owaisi, the remark serves multiple purposes. Average Muslim citizens are deeply disillusioned with a political process that has resulted in the utter marginalisation of their community.  For such voters, the statement is intended to clearly distinguish his party from the so-called secular non-BJP parties. It is calibrated to raise a doubt in their mind, why should only Muslims be expected to vote for such parties, when significant sections of the Hindus have sided with the communal BJP? It is also a preemptive answer to his political competitors and ideological critics, who are likely to accuse him of being communal.
Otherwise too, the secular discourse in India has largely become a minorities’ affair. It is said to be under threat when minorities are attacked. It is claimed to be flourishing when minorities rights are protected. A corollary belief among major sections of the so called majority community is that India  could have as well been non-secular if there were no minorities in the country, or if they are put in their place as the RSS political programme demands. It is not difficult to see that once secularism is equated with minority interests, the majority interests would be perceived as non-secular and with a passage of time the BJP style of politics would become the common sense of the majority. Should India remain, or rather become secular, only for minorities’ sake? Then, why should the majority be interested in secularism? Only because of their ‘good neighbourly’ sense, or to avoid civil strife of communal clashes? The tragedy and the farce of Indian secularism is precisely this, that ever since its initial conception and practice during the freedom movement, it has remained hostage to a majority-minority framework, and it has implicitly answered all the above questions in the affirmative. Nothing can be farther away from the real significance of secularism for a modern democracy. There have been many non-democratic secular regimes. Secularism though is a democratic imperative. What everybody, including minority citizens, lose in the absence of secularism are distinct democratic freedoms which only secularism can assure.
Secularism is most commonly seen as a particular set of state policies with reference to religious communities. In liberal democracies this set is assumed to have three components. Freedom of religion and non-discrimination by the state on the basis of religion are part of fundamental rights guaranteed to every citizen. Once these two are accepted, it follows logically that the state has to keep itself separate from any religion, or equidistant from all religions, otherwise the followers of the religion closer to state will have privileges denied to the non-religious, or followers of other religions. Secularism as state-religion separation is however, only a part of the secular framework. A liberal constitution like the Indian one, is a secular document not only because of the special features it shows vis a vis religious communities, but because of its very spirit and basic conception. There was some discussion in the Constituent Assembly to start the preamble with words like ‘In the name of God’. The proposal was not accepted, and ‘We, the People of India’ were placed as the sovereign, deriving their power to give themselves a constitution from no other real or imagined source. The people, who were giving themselves the constitution, were obviously an imagined entity, but imagined as a collective of thoroughly ordinary and mundane humans. What made them the People was the belief that they were equal among themselves in some fundamentally political ways, and that as persons they had certain in-alienable rights. This latter pair of beliefs is nothing but the core idea of citizenship.

Impossible Lesson

-Ravi Sinha
Far away from Peshawar five men and a woman sat in a physician’s waiting room in Lucknow. The television screen that ordinarily shows some Bollywood film or a cricket match had a news channel on. It was day after the slaughter of children. The assistant who maintains the waiting list of patients and collects the doctor’s fee said something very predictable, even if heart-felt, expressing his horror and revulsion. The matter would have passed as unremarkably as most things do most of the times, except for what an elderly gentleman waiting to see the doctor had to say in response.
In a feeble yet firm voice whose conviction and sincerity was unmistakable, he said – dhaarmikata ko badhaava doge to kattarta badhegi; kattarta badhegi to aatank upajega, haivaaniyat saamne aayegi.(If you will promote religiosity, fundamentalism will grow, and from that will emerge terror and barbarism.) After a pause he added – hamaare desh mein bhee yahee ho rahaa hai, haalaan ki abhee hum pehle daur mein hain, dhaarmikata badhaane ke daur mein. (Same thing is happening in our country too, although we are in the first phase so far – that of promoting religiosity.)
It was stunningly simple a statement with clear enunciation of a causal chain. No one spoke after that. Uncharacteristically, for Indians, no discussion followed and no rebuttals were made. The statement was surprising for a number of reasons. First of all it did not come from an atheist leftist. There are too few of them left in any case in this city of Majaz, Rashid Jahan and Sajjad Zaheer, and it would have been too much of a coincidence if both the patients waiting to see the doctor in that lean hour of the day belonged to this rare breed. (Others were either family members of the patients or the doctor’s assistants.)
The statement was surprising also because, despite widely held views to the contrary, it did not blame one particular religion for being more disposed than others to harbour and incite terrorism. Nor did it sing the usual song about true religiosity being antithetical to brutality and violence. If one were willing to honestly count all killings across millennia of human history, I have little doubt that religion will show up as the single biggest killer. There are those who deploy enormous erudition and scholarship in proving that it kills only when it becomes modern. There are others who would not tire of repeating that it kills only as a handmaiden of imperialism. Veracity of examples likely to be cited in support of such theses cannot be denied. And yet, the theses themselves are grievously mistaken. Religion kills for its own sake too. If others hire it frequently, they do so because it is extraordinarily effective at the job. Nobel winning physicist Steven Weinberg once said – … you have good people doing good things and evil people doing evil things. But, for good people to do evil things, that takes religion.
It does not take a great deal of erudition to know that the Thirty Year War in seventeenth century Europe had seen the biggest blood-bath before the world wars of the twentieth century broke that record. That can hardly be attributed to modernity or to imperialism. Nor did religion begin to kill children only in the modern times. The oldest of religious myths recount massacre of children. If one were to consider that the slaughter of all male children of Hebrew families at Egyptian Pharaoh’s orders is a story intended to portray the adversary in bad light, how does one interpret the same side reporting gleefully the extermination of all Egyptian firstborns in the last of the ten plagues unleashed by the Hebrew God on the Egyptians?
A mistaken view that seems to be widely held in this country considers Hinduism comparatively non-violent. The Hindutva brigade laments this. They would like to turn Hindus into ferocious warriors against other faiths. This sordid episode is currently in full bloom in the Indian society and polity. I do not fully agree with the gentleman in the clinic when he says that we are in the first phase of promoting religiosity that is yet to attain full-scale brutality and violence. Can one draw any such comfort after witnessing, for example, what happened during the Gujarat carnage of 2002?
If religion can kill even while preaching peace, compassion, brotherhood and spirituality, one can imagine the added ferocity when it openly preaches the virtues of violence. The current foreign minister of India has called upon the world to accept Gita as the global holy book. Honesty would demand that this appeal be accompanied with a disclaimer – this book is basically a call to arms and an incitement to violence. Lord Krishna went to great philosophical lengths to rid Arjun of the scruples the latter had about participating in the impending blood-bath of Mahabharat that would include killing his own cousins and relatives.
Speaking against religion is not a wise thing to do. It carries all kinds of dangers – exclusion and ridicule being among the more benign ones. It is not easy, therefore, to draw truthful lessons from histories and practices of religion. Nearly all of humanity that has lived so far has been religious and, by and large, it continues to be so.  How does one criticize or evaluate the mode of living of the entire human race? How does one bring its core beliefs under dispassionate and fearless scrutiny? It is not surprising that thinkers and theorists have had to plumb great philosophical depths and weave intricate theories around this issue. Obvious observations and simple truths would simply not do.
Undoubtedly there are things in the world about which precious little can be done. There are problems about which the best one can do is to go around them. And yet one learns about them not only because one is curious but also because one is always trying to cope with the world and make it better. One cannot do anything to gravity, and yet one keeps learning about it. In the process one does find newer ways to cope with it. Religion, unfortunately, is much like gravity. Lessons drawn from its history may invariably be impossible lessons, but even impossible lessons have their uses.
The poetically inspired moment in which Marx coined the phrase – opium of the people – has been the bane of every Marxist’s life. They have been mercilessly beaten up with this phrase and endlessly ridiculed for being juvenile. Hardly anyone reads the passage in the Introduction to Marx’s Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right from which the phrase gets plucked. It almost reads like an ode to religion when he says – Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people. One wonders what Marx would say about religion after the slaughter of children in Peshawar. Would he say that it did the killing at the behest of imperialism? Would he say that seeds of a ferocious religious culture were sown in the Swat valley and elsewhere so that harvest of slaughters would feed the powers that rule over the planet, control its oil and own its wealth?
Anger and ridicule should be directed not towards what someone might say about religion. They should be directed towards what religion actually does. Its deeds are so grim and stark that even its sympathetic theorists are forced to raise questions about its conduct. Take for example the communitarian-idealist philosopher Charles Taylor who is famous for deploying exceptional intellect and erudition in making sense of the likes of Hegel, Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty and later Wittgenstein. In 2007 he came out with a 900-pages long book on the role of religion in history and civilization. The approach of this book, which he called The Secular Age, is too nuanced and its conclusions are too complex to be summarized here. While wrestling with the riddles of human thought and deeds in the dark alleys of history, myth and psyche with little light from the lamps of science and certainty reaching those alleys, Taylor emerges occasionally as if to catch a breath on the surface of manageable questions and simpler conclusions. I am tempted to quote from him, despite the risk of doing injustice to him and of exposing my own pretentiousness, in the hope that rational scrutiny of religion can be seen as a worthy enterprise.
Sources of primal frenzy, wild sexuality and plain slaughter have been debated within religious discourses themselves. More modern and humanist interpretations of religion have often castigated the primordial and naturalist versions for holding a view as if “all religion is ultimately Moloch drinking blood from the skulls of the slain” (The Secular Age, p. 648). I wonder if there have been similar debates within Hinduism where Kali and Shiva are reprimanded for such conduct. In any case, through an anthropocentric cleansing of ancient religions, at least in the west, it was hoped that religion would be rid of evil and frenzy, sex and slaughter,
“… in this anthropocentric climate, where we keep any idea of the spiritual, it must be totally constructive, positive. It can’t accommodate Kali, and is less and less able to allow for a God who punishes. The wrath of God disappears, leaving only His love…On the older view, wrath had to be part of the package…some people fry in Hell; and the others are only saved because Christ offered “satisfaction” for them. This was the heart of the juridical-penal understanding of the atonement. But in the anthropocentric climate, this no longer makes sense, and indeed, appears monstrous.” (The Secular Age, p. 649)
The question, however, remains. Why then, despite modernity, religion remains a prime instigator of bestiality and slaughter? Taylor discusses the question at various levels – biological, meta-biological, metaphysical, psycho-social, political and historical. Given his theoretical and ideological dispositions, he is inclined towards metaphysical explanations. Wading through complex arguments he arrives at a conclusion that puts part of the blame at modernity’s door. Modernity turns out in this account to be as self-righteous as religion. Citing examples of modern and non-religious violence, from the French Revolution to the War on Terror and Abu Ghraib, he accords equivalent status to Robespierre, Hitler, Stalin and George Bush.
I have put Taylor on display as an illustrative example. The point is to recognize the intrinsic relationship between religion and violence. If we have to understand our own specific predicament, we may have to step away from Taylor and go beyond his conclusions. After all, Peshawar and Gujarat happen here and not in Canada or Sweden. There must be some reason if religious slaughters and other barbarities of the present age tend to cluster in some parts of the world and not others.

Monday, December 15, 2014

दस्तारबंदी और मुस्लिम समुदाय में नेतृत्व को लेकर कुछ सवाल

जावेद अनीस


पिछले दिनों दिल्ली हाईकोर्ट ने इमाम अहमद बुख़ारी द्वारा अपने पुत्र को नायब इमाम नामित करने के लिए किये जा रहे ‘दस्तारबंदी’ समारोह पर अपना फैसला सुनाते हुए कहा था कि वे जो कुछ करने जा रहे हैं उसकी कोई कानूनी मान्यता नहीं है और इस आयोजन का मतलब नायब इमाम की नियुक्ति नहीं है। इस सम्बन्ध में याचिकाकर्ताओं और सरकार द्वारा दलील दी गयी थी कि चूंकि जामा मस्जिद वक्फ बोर्ड की प्रॉपर्टी है इसलिए इसका उत्तराधिकारी इमाम नहीं तय कर सकते, यह वक्फ बोर्ड की जिम्मेदारी है। हालांकि यह अंतिम फैसला नहीं है इस मामले में आगे भी सुनवाई होनी है, जो की 28 जनवरी को होने वाली है जिसमें कोर्ट द्वारा सभी पक्षों को नोटिस भेजकर हलफनामा दायर कर अपना-अपना पक्ष रखने को कहा गया है।

कुल मिलकर कर इस फैसले का सार यह है कि बुखारी 22 नवंबर को होने वाली दस्तारबंदी का आयोजन तो कर सकते हैं लेकिन फिलहाल इसकी कानूनी मान्यता नहीं होगी इस बारे में स्थिति 28 जनवरी को होने वाली सुनवाई में ही साफ हो पायेगी।

इस पूरे विवाद की शुरुआत तब हुई जब पिछले दिनों जामा मस्जिद के विवादास्पद “शाही इमाम” सैयद अहमद बुखारी द्वारा अपने उन्नीस वर्षीय बेटे सैयद शाबान बुखारी को अपना जांनशीन बनाने की घोषणा करते हुए कहा गया था कि 22 नवंबर 2014 को दस्तारबंदी की रस्म के साथ उन्हें नायब इमाम घोषित किया जाएगा। विवाद और गहराया जब बुखारी ने बात का खुलासा किया कि इस दस्तारबंदी रस्म में शामिल होने वाले मेहमानों की उनकी सूची में भारत के प्रधानमंत्री का नाम शामिल नहीं है, लेकिन पाकिस्तान के प्रधानमंत्री नवाज शरीफ को इसमें बुलाया गया है, सैयद अहमद बुखारी का कहना था कि ‘चूंकि यह उनका निजी कार्यक्रम है और वे किसे दावत में न्यौता भेजेंगे और किसे नहीं यह उनका अपना निर्णय है।‘ जैसा कि अपेक्षित था बुखारी के इस निर्णय को लेकर जबरदस्त विवाद हुआ और इस बहाने सैयद अहमद बुखारी एक बार फिर सुर्खियों में आ गये। 

यह वही जामा मस्जिद है जहाँ 1947 में जब दिल्ली के मुसलमान बड़ी संख्या में पाकिस्तान जा रहे थे, तब देश के प्रमुख स्वतंत्रता सेनानी मौलाना अबुल कलाम आजाद ने इसकी प्राचीर से मुसलमानों को संबोधित किया था, उनके इस भाषण का लोगों पर बहुत गहरा असर हुआ और बड़ी तादाद में मुसलमान जो पाकिस्तान जाने के लिए अपना सामान बाँध कर तैयार थे उन्होंने हिन्दुस्तान को चुन लिया। उनके इस मशहूर भाषण के शब्द कुछ इस प्रकार हैं- "जामा मस्जिद की ऊंची मीनारें तुमसे पूछ रही हैं कि जा रहे हो...कल तक तुम यमुना के तट पर वजू किया करते थे और आज तुम यहाँ रहने से डर रहे हो। याद रखो कि तुम्हारे ख़ून में दिल्ली बसी है। तुम समय के इस झटके से डर रहे हो...वापस आओ यह तुम्हारा घर है, तुम्हारा देश”।