Protest Against the Communally Motivated Proposed Amendments to the Citizenship Act, 1955

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Oppose the Communally Motivated Proposed Amendments to the Citizenship Act, 1955

Delhi Action Committee for Assam

The proposed amendment to India’s Citizenship Act, 1955 has raised grave concern among democratic circles in Assam and in other parts of the country. The proposed amendment reads that “persons belonging to minority communities, namely, Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis and Christians from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan, who have been exempted by the Central Government by or under clause (c) of sub-section (2) of section 3 of the Passport (Entry into India) Act, 1920 or from the application of the provisions of the Foreigners Act, 1946 or any order made thereunder, shall not be treated as illegal migrants for the purposes of this Act” and that for persons belonging to the aforementioned minority communities, “the aggregate period of residence or service of a Government in India as required under this clause shall be read as ‘not less than six years’ in place of ‘not less than eleven years’.” The proposed amendment which is being considered by a Joint Parliamentary Committee is indeed is a matter of grave concern for the whole of India. Government officials have claimed that the decision to grant Indian citizenship to the above mentioned discriminated religious communities in neighbouring countries is premised on ‘humanitarian grounds’. Notwithstanding this benevolent claim by the government, one needs to carefully place this proposed amendment in perspective. 

The proposed amendment is premised on the religious persecution of non-Muslim minorities in neighbouring Muslim majority countries. While religious basis have 'softly' underlined India's approaches to the issue of immigration since the Partition, what is alarming with the amendment proposed by the current government is its vehement attempt, in the garb of humanitarianism, to upturn the Constitution of India by slyly trying to introduce religious right-to-return. The current government displays zero or very little humanitarian concern for non-Hindu marginalised communities in the country and in neighbouring countries. 

Unlike Israel, Korea (both South and North), and few other countries, Indian law and the Constitution till today doesn't recognise any notion of 'Right to return'. This is the first time, when a sort of religious 'right to return' – is being advocated by the law-makers. To reiterate, this runs contrary to the secular fabric of the Constitution.

Further apart from complicating the already vulnerable demographic cauldron of the state of Assam, the circumstances under which the amendment is sought to be carried out raise questions about the federal structure of the country. The proposed amendment overrides the Assam Accord of 1985 which sets the date of 24 March 1971 as the cut off date for categorisation of illegal foreign immigrants to Assam, irrespective of Muslims or Hindus. In 1986 the Citizenship Act was amended and Article 6A was inserted. Retrospectively Article 6A granted citizenship to all those who entered Assam on or before 24 March 1971. How many amendment to Citizenship Act is required? Ain't the amendments made after the Assam Accord of 1985 not enough?

We strongly demand that the proposed amendment to the Citizenship Act 1955 be immediately withdrawn.

Slogans Rang Out in Delhi Against Kaziranga Police Brutality & Killings in Assam

A protest was held outside of Assam Bhawan, Chanakyapuri, on Friday against the Police brutality during an eviction drive near the Kaziranga National Park which resulted in death of two villagers. Despite prohibitory orders and heavy deployment of Delhi Police personnel and armed paramilitary forces at the venue, the 60 odd protesters under the banner of Delhi Action Committee (Against the Kaziranga Police Killings, Assam) continued to raise slogans against the dastardly killings by Assam Police. 

The protest was supported by left and left-leaning organizations like New Socialist Initiative (NSI), Campaign Against Fascist Attack on Universities (CAFAU), CPM affiliated All India Kishan Sabha, Krantikari Naujawan Sabha (KNS), Democratic Students' Union (DSU), National Alliance for People's Movement (NAPM) and Jhai Foundation (Assam) among others. 

Bonojit Hussain of New Socialist Initiative and Delhi Action Committee, P Krishna Prasad of All India Kishan Sabha, prominent social activist Harsh Mander, Nayanjyoti of Krantikari Naujawan Sabha, Abdul Kalam Azad of Jhai Foundation and few others addressed the gathering.

Later a 3 members delegation comprising of Bonojit Hussain, Biswajit Bora and Shalim M. Hussain submitted a memorandum to the Deputy Resident Commissioner of Assam government stationed at Assam Bhawan, New Delhi. 

Among many other demands, the memorandum submitted by Delhi Action Committee demanded that immediate compensation and rehabilitation be provided to all the evicted people of the villages; and an unconditional apology be rendered by the Chief Minister and the Home Minister of Assam to the people of these villagers and the country.

The Delhi Action Committee delegation remind the Deputy Resident Commissioner that "after the BJP came to power in Assam in May 2016, the state government has unleashed a reign of terror to execute its fascistic agendas. Within 2 months into power, the government opened fire and killed a 25 year old man Mintu Deuri, during a protest organized in Raha against the transfer of the site for a proposed AIIMS in the state on 15th July 2016. Now on 19 September 2016, just 34 days after the Raha incident, the police has again opened fire and killed two people - Anjuma Khatun and Fakhruddin, at a demonstration at Banderdubi revenue village near the Kaziranga National Park. The protesters were demanding resettlement and adequate compensation against an eviction drive carried out by the mandate of the Gauhati High Court order dated 9 October 2015 which was supposed to happen two days later, i.e. on 21 September 2016 but had been pre-poned to avoid protests. The villagers, belonging mainly to the Muslim community of erstwhile East Bengal origin, have been residing in the village for more than half a century."

The Committee delegation further brought to the notice of the Deputy Resident Commissioner that "out of the 198 displaced families from Banderdubi village, around 40 have moved in with their relatives and the rest have been compelled to seek shelter in Baghmari, a nearby village under the open skies. The Deputy Commissioner of Nagaon had not yet allowed any relief measures to reach them. And that, allegedly, the 7 Hindu families that lived in the village were informed before and were reportedly asked to move into safe places before the commencement of the forceful eviction drive, which highlights the communal agenda of the state administration. One of the most powerful ministers in the Assam government, Himanta Biswa Sarma, posted on his official Facebook page after the eviction drive that the new government would never compromise on "Jati, Mati, and Bheti" [Nationality, Land, and Home], a rhetoric of the homeland creating a paranoia against the Muslim inhabitants of erstwhile East Bengal origin, with which the BJP came to power. Thus in a true fascistic form, the repression has been accompanied with a parallel mobilisational drive, pitting one section of the society against another. Through electronic, print and social media, gross misinformation and falsehood has been consciously spread and we are told, this is a struggle to recover the Assamese nation from the outsiders – the Bangladeshis."

Below are few images from the protest:

Photo: Ramakant Kushwaha

Photo: Shalim M. Hussain

Photo: Bonojit Hussain

Photo: Kislay Gonzalvez

Protest Call and Statement against the Kaziranga Police Killings, Assam

Delhi Action Committee Against Kaziranga Police Killings, Assam

After the BJP came to power in Assam in May 2016, the state government has unleashed a reign of terror to execute its fascistic agendas. Within 2 months into power, the government opened fire and killed a 25 year old man Mintu Deuri, during a protest organized in Raha against the transfer of the site for a proposed AIIMS in the state on 15th July 2016. Now on 19 September 2016, just 34 days after the Raha incident, the police has again opened fire and killed two people - Anjuma Khatun and Fakhruddin, at a demonstration led by the Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS) and All Assam Minority Students' Union (AAMSU) at Banderdubi revenue village near the Kaziranga National Park. The protestors were demanding resettlement and adequate compensation against an eviction drive carried out by the mandate of the Gauhati High Court order dated 9 October 2015 which was supposed to happen two days later, i.e. on 21 September 2016 but had been preponed to avoid protests. The villagers, belonging mainly to the Muslim community of erstwhile East Bengal origin, have been residing in the village for more than half a century.

Out of the 198 displaced families from Banderdubi, around 40 have moved in with their relatives and the rest have been compelled to seek shelter in Baghmari, a nearby village under the open skies. The Deputy Commissioner of Nagaon has not yet allowed any relief measures to reach them. It must be mentioned here that the 7 Hindu families that lived in the village were informed before and were reportedly asked to move into safe places before the commencement of the forceful eviction drive, which highlights the communal agenda of the state administration. One of the most powerful ministers in the Assam government, Himanta Biswa Sarma, posted on his official Facebook page after the eviction drive that the new government would never compromise on "Jati, Mati, and Bheti" [Nationality, Land, and Home], a rhetoric of the homeland creating a paranoia against the Muslim inhabitants of erstwhile East Bengal origin, with which the BJP came to power. Thus in a true fascistic form, the repression has been accompanied with a parallel mobilisational drive, pitting one section of the society against another. Through electronic, print and social media, gross misinformation and falsehood has been consciously spread and we are told, this is a struggle to recover the Assamese nation from the outsiders – the Bangladeshis. 

During the hearing of the case, the Advocate-General acknowledged and supported the contention of the applicants that as per the revenue records, Banderdubi and Deochur Chang are two villages that have been declared as revenue village by the government (in 1961) and therefore are not part of the Kaziranga National Park which makes the eviction of any villager from the said areas illegal (GHC Order, pp. 21). However the Gauhati High Court ordered fast eviction of inhabitants in the second, third, fifth and sixth additions of the Kaziranga National Park (GHC Order, pp. 36-37). Reportedly a total of 198 families from Banderdubi, 160 from Deochur Chang and 12 from Palkhowa were evicted in this drive. These villages have been in those areas even before official recognition of Kaziranga Wildlife Sanctuary as a National Park, it's inhabitants are not encroachers but revenue-paying villagers.According to records these villages (Banderdubi and Deochur Chang) came into existence in 1951 and the government granted patta (land entitlements) in 1961. The names of the villagers were inserted into the voters' list in 1965 for the assembly election, and a government school was established there in 1966. On the other hand, Kaziranga was declared as a National Park by the central government on 11 February 1974. 

Section 144 had already been in place in the said areas since Saturday, 17th of September. It must be mentioned here that the villagers were willing to abide by the Gauhati High Court order and evict the land voluntarily for the cause of conservation of the national park but were simply demanding resettlement and adequate compensation and enough time to comply with the court's order. In the consequent clash between the police and the local people, the police blatantly resorted to extreme brutality, first with tear gas and then with live bullets. Apart from the casualties, five more people have been severely injured.

The rapidity and force with which the current government has deployed its fascistic agenda by using state mechanisms must be read as clear signs of impending trouble for the already much troubled people of Assam. The targeted and brazen use of police force to kill citizens in order to craft a 'nation' and society as per its skewed wishes may soon turn into an irretrievable situation. As in other parts of the country, the Assam government has been acquiring land to serve the interests of the big capital or pursue its 'developmental' policies but it has no patience to listen to toiling people when it comes to their requirements for livelihood. And to repeat an age long political cliché, nowhere in the rest of India, or the national media have we seen any reactions or responses to this incident.

In any case, why is it legitimate to kill, even if he or she is a Bangladeshi?

We demand:

1. Immediate action against the concerned security and state officials who approved the decision to open fire on unarmed and peaceful protestors.

2. Immediate compensation and rehabilitation of all the evicted people of these villages.

3. An unconditional apology by the Chief Minister and the Home Minister of Assam to the people of these villagers and the country.

4. The Government of Assam must ensure and guarantee the safety and human rights of all people, irrespective of caste, creed, sex and religion, as laid out by the Constitution of the Union of India.

We also intend to:

1. Submit a petition to the National Human Rights Commission appealing that a show-cause notice be served to the Government of Assam asking for the rationale behind the live bullet firing upon protestors.

Sd/-

Biswajit Bora, Shalim M. Hussain, Jyotirmoy Talukdar, Sukruta Alluri, Bonojit Hussain, Mayur Chetia, Nayan Jyoti , Lokesh, Kislay Gonsalvez, Amrapali Basumatary, Usman Jawed, Apoorva Gautam.

Statement by ASEAK on the Delhi University copyright judgement by Delhi High Court (16 Sept 2016)

Victory for Students and Access to Knowledge in DU Copyright Case: Corporate Publishers Market ends at the gates of the University

- Association of Students for Equitable Access to Knowledge (ASEAK)

In a rare and incredible order on 16th September 2016, the Delhi High Court dismissed the copyright infringement case filed in August 2012 by Oxford University Press, Cambridge University Press and Taylor and Francis Group against Rameshwari Photocopy Shop in Delhi School of Economics and Delhi University. Justice R.S. Endlaw in a 94 page long judgment interpreted the educational exception under section 52(1)(i) of the Copyright Act, 1957 as covering the act of photocopying prescribed reading material for university courses.

The publishers sought to claim damages to the tune of 60 lakh rupees from the shop citing infringement of copyright, which the publishers claimed was happening through photocopying of parts of books published by them. However, the publishers themselves stated that this suit, for them, was a test case where they wanted to introduce licensing systems across universities in India. These licensing systems intended to control the extent to which material could be photocopied and also direct a share of profit from these reproductions to the publishers. We, the Association of Students for Equitable Access to Knowledge (ASEAK) demanded to be made a defendant in this case as we believed that it is the right of students to access reading material that was at stake in this case- “Association of Students for Equitable Access to Knowledge (ASEAK) filed IA No.3454/2013 for impleadment in the present suit and which was allowed vide order dated 1st March, 2013 and ASEAK impleaded as defendant No.3.” (from the judgment). 

We at ASEAK, had maintained from the beginning that the exceptions within the Indian Copyright Act, 1957, keep reproduction of material for the purposes of education outside the purview of what constitutes copyright infringement. Sure, publishers are running profit making enterprises but universities are not a market. Students pursuing higher education in India come from starkly different socio-economic backgrounds and further, most public universities work with a severe resource crunch. This is worsened by the prohibitively high costs and very limited reach of academic books, which the publishers anyway do not seem to be producing for students. They only make it to libraries and shelves of highly paid academicians. Photocopying, then, is just a quick fix in a system which is unable to meet simple demands of students studying in universities. In this situation, to put restrictions and further try to control and profit from a system which in itself is ramshackle and can hardly be afforded by a majority of students is pure evil. 

We so far had only appealed to the court to remove a stay order which had been put on Rameshwari Photocopy shop against photocopying from books of the said publishers. The court has gone far ahead and dismissed the publishers’ case. Justice Rajiv Sahai Endlaw observed in the judgment that, “copyright, specially in literary works, is not an inevitable, divine, or natural right that confers on authors the absolute ownership of their creations. It is designed rather to stimulate activity and progress in the arts for the intellectual enrichment of the public. Copyright is intended to increase and not to impede the harvest of knowledge. It is intended to motivate the creative activity of authors and inventors in order to benefit the public”. The judgment has also observed that there is no evidence of “actionable infringement” when it comes to photocopying by the university and its agents, and therefore there is no need for trial and the “suit is accordingly dismissed”.

बदलता वैश्विक परिवेश और भारत अमेरिका सैन्य करार

- स्वदेश कुमार सिन्हा

भारत और अमेरिका के मध्य अब तक का सबसे बड़ा सैन्य करार आज सम्पूर्ण मीडिया में चर्चा का विषय बना हुआ है। जो लोग अमेरिका तथा भारत के संबंधों की जटिलता के इतिहास से परिचित हैं उन्हे यह भी ज्ञात होगा भी सन् 2008 में अमेरिकी संविधान की धारा -123 के अन्तर्गत निर्मित ’हाइड एक्ट’ के अन्तर्गत भारत अमेरिकी परमाणु उर्जा समझौते को वामपंथियों ने राष्ट्रीय हितो की तिलांजलि देकर अमेरिकी दबाव में होने वाला समझौता कहा था तथा भाजपा के साथ मिलकर तत्कालीन कांग्रेसी सरकर को गिराने में भी कोई परहेज नही किया था। 

आज एकाएक कौन सा बृहद वैश्विक परिवर्तन हो गया कि भाजपा ने अमेरिका के साथ इतना बड़ा सैन्य करार कर लिया तथा जिसका संसद और सम्पूर्ण देश में कोई विशेष विरोध तक नही हुआ। इस समझौते से पूर्व भी दोनो देशो के बीच इसी वर्ष कई महत्वपूर्ण रणनैतिक सैन्य समझौते हुए हैं । (लाजिस्टिक सपोर्ट एग्रीमेन्ट कम्युनिकेशन इण्टरओपरीबिलिटी एण्ड सिक्युरिटी मेमोरण्डम एण्ड एग्रीमेण्ट आर बेसिक एक्सचेन्ज एण्ड कारपोरेशन एग्रीमेन्ट ) यह जून 2005 में हुए भारत अमेरिकी राजनीतिक साझेदारी की अगली कड़ी है। सन् 2013 में अमेरिकी पालिसी थिंक टैंक संस्था ’बुकलिन इन्स्टीटयूशन और इस साल कारनेगी इनडोमेन्ट आफ इन्टरनेशनल पीस’ का कार्यालय खुलना भारत की विदेश नीति को अमेरिकी विदेश नीति के अनुरूप ढ़ालने की दिशा में बढ़ाया गया कदम बताया जा रहा है। परन्तु इस वर्ष सितम्बर के पहले सप्ताह में भारत अमेरिका के बीच हुआ अब तक का सबसे बड़ा सैन्य करार ’लाॅजिरिस्क एक्सचेन्ज मेमोरण्डम आफ एग्रीमेण्ट (लेमोए) जो बृहद तथा दूरगामी परिणाम देने वाला है।

इस करार के अन्तर्गत दोनो देश मरम्मत तथा आपूर्ति के लिए एक दूसरे के सैन्य ठिकानो तथा सुविधाओ का इस्तेमाल कर सकेंगे , विशेष रूप से एक दूसरे के वायु सेना का प्रयोग भी युद्ध के दौरान कर सकेंगे। इस सम्बन्ध में अमेरिकी विदेश मंत्री ’एश्टन कार्टर ’ का कथन है ’हमने भारत को मुख्य रक्षा सहयोगी का दर्जा दिया है। अमेरिका रणनीतिक और तकनीकी क्षेत्र में भारत का सहयोग बढ़ायेगा। यह विगत पचास साल के इतिहास में बड़ा बदलाव है। भारतीय विदेश मंत्री मनोहर पार्रिकर का कथन है ’इसमें अमेरिका का भारत में सैन्य ठिकाने बनाने संबंधी किसी भी प्रकार की गतिविधि का कोई प्राविधान नही है। इस समझौते को लेकर देश तथा विदेशों में कई तरह की प्रतिक्रियाये हो रही है। भाजपा तथा संघ परिवार यह कह रहे हैं कि यह देश की बढ़ती ताकत का परिचायक है। बहुत से वामपंथी विचारक तथा उनकी पत्र पत्रिकाएँ इस समझौते को एक नई गुलामी का दस्तावेज बता रहे हैं । यह स्मरण करने की बात है कि सन् 1991 में खाड़ी युद्ध के दौरान चन्द्रशेखर सरकार द्वारा अमेरिकी विमानो में तेल भरने की घटना पर देश में बवाल मच गया था। सन् 2003 में अमेरिकी दबाव के बाद भी अटल सरकार इराक के खिलाफ लड़ाई के लिए सेना भेजने की हिम्मत नही जुटा पाई थी।

पवित्र नगरों की सियासत

- सुभाष गताड़े

जनाब अरविन्द केजरीवाल, जो पिछले दिनों पंजाब के दौरे पर थे उनके एक ऐलान ने एक पुरानी बहस को नयी हवा दी है. उन्होंने कहा कि अगर उनकी पार्टी जीतती है तो वह अमृतसर को ‘पवित्र नगर’ का दर्जा प्रदान करेगी. इतना ही नहीं वह स्वर्ण मंदिर के आसपास शराब, मीट और टुबैको के उपभोग पर भी रोक लगाएंगे.

उनके मुताबिक खालसा को जन्म देने वाले आनंदपुर साहिब को भी पवित्र नगर का दर्जा दिया जाएगा. वैसे यह पहली दफा नहीं है जब उन्होंने नगरों को ‘पवित्र’ घोषित करने की बात कही है. याद रहे जिन दिनों वह वाराणसी से चुनाव लड़ रहे थे, उन्होंने अपने बनारस संकल्प में अन्य कुछ मांगों के अलावा इस बात का भी विशेष उल्लेख किया था कि वह वाराणसी को ‘पवित्र नगरी’ का दर्जा दिलाएंगे.

ऐसा प्रतीत होता है कि न उन्होंने उस वक्त इस मसले पर विस्तार से सोचा था कि विभिन्न धर्मों, सम्प्रदायों, रूझानों से बने शहर बनारस- जहां महज हिन्दुओं एवं बौद्धों के ही सर्वोत्कृष्ट स्थान नहीं हैं, बल्कि जैनियों के कई तीर्थंकरों का जन्मस्थान भी यहीं है.

यहां तक इस्लाम के माननेवालों के भी कुछ अहम स्थान हैं इसी शहर में हैं. जिस नगर ने कबीर, रैदास एवं तुलसी जैसे महान संतो को जन्म दिया था उसकी साझी, मिलीजुली संस्कृति को ‘पवित्र नगरी’ का ओहदा देकर किसी खास इकहरी संस्कृति में ढालने का यह संकल्प किस तरह सेक्युलर भारत में विशेष धार्मिक क्षेत्रों के निर्माण के सिलसिले को तेज करेगा, उन्हें इसका तनिक भी इल्म नहीं है.

इस संदर्भ में सुप्रीम कोर्ट के रिटायर्ड जज मार्कण्डेय काटजू का बयान मौजूं है जिसमें उन्होंने स्पष्ट कहा है कि ऐसे बयान भले ही फौरी तौर पर वोटों में बढ़ोतरी कर दें, मगर वह किस तरह मुल्क के धर्मनिरपेक्ष ताने-बाने को प्रभावित करते हैं, इसे हम बाबरी मस्जिद की जगह राम मंदिर स्थापित करने के लिए चले आन्दोलन से भी देख सकते हैं.

विडम्बना ही है कि धार्मिकता का जैसा विस्फोट समूची दक्षिण एशिया में दिख रहा है, उसमें ऐसा करने की हवा सी चल पड़ी है.

2014 में ही भाजपा के पूर्ण बहुमत से सत्तारोहण के बाद गुजरात के पाटण जिले के पलीटाना नगर को, जहां जैनियों के तमाम मंदिर और तीर्थस्थल हैं, जैन साधुओं की चार दिनी भूख हड़ताल के बाद, राज्य सरकार ने ‘शाकाहारी इलाका’ घोषित कर दिया था. वहां मांसाहारी पदार्थ बेचना और बनाना अब ‘कानून के उल्लंघन’ में शुमार किया जाता है. और यह इस सबके बावजूद कि एक लाख आबादी वाले इस नगर की 25 फीसदी आबादी मुस्लिम है.

इतना ही नहीं स्थानीय सरकारी अधिकारी बताते हैं कि नगर की चालीस फीसदी आबादी मांसाहारी रही है जिनमें सिर्फ मुस्लिम ही नहीं कोली जैसे हिन्दू समुदाय भी शामिल हैं. दिलचस्प है कि इसी तरह के रुझानों के चलते वर्ष 2013 में सूबा आंध्र प्रदेश की तिरूमाला पहाड़ियों की तलहटी में तिरूपति मन्दिर से तेरह किलोमीटर दूर बन रही ‘हीरा इण्टरनेशनल इस्लामिक युनिवर्सिटी’ को बिल्कुल अलग ढंग के विरोध का सामना करना पड़ा था.

गौरतलब है कि हीरा ग्रुप जो एक ग्लोबल फार्चुन कम्पनी है और कमोडिटीज तथा शैक्षिक व्यवसाय में भी मुब्तिला है, उसके तहत मुस्लिम महिलाओं के लिए इस कालेज का निर्माण किया जा रहा था. हिन्दु साधुओं के एक हिस्से ने इस इलाके की पवित्रता की दुहाई देते हुए इस निर्माणाधीन संस्थान को वहां से हटाने की मांग की थी.

Strike Today!

All trade union federations in India, except the BMS affiliated with the RSS, have declared a one day nationwide strike on 2nd September against the price rise and economic policies of Modi government. One of the main demands is a minimum wage of Rs 18,000/ per month. At present the legal minimum wage in most of the Aountry is less than one third of this. The overwhelming majority of workers in India work for even less than the legal minimum wage. The condition of agricultural workers is the worst. In Pudducherry the legal minimum wage for agricultural workers is Rs 1650/ per month. On the other hand, if the minimum wage is calculated to provide consumption needs of three persons for fooAd, clothing, housing, education and medical expenses, then it should be around Rs 26,000/. Clearly, the economic system in the country has failed to provide even essentials of life to the most of its working people. Indian capitalism is a predatory system which feeds on the living labour of Indian people without providing them even the bare minimum needed to survive. Everybody in a working class family has to work. It is no surprise that India has the largest number of child labourers in the world. Working parents can not earn enough to take care of their children. Capitalism in India makes super profits from patriarchy and caste system. As Ambedkar said, caste is division of labourers. It divides workers and forces Dalits to do the least remunerative and dangerous work as agricultural workers, manual scavengers, sanitation workers and in other ‘untouchable’ activities. Women workers are paid a pittance. Without their unpaid extra domestic work, working class families would simply collapse. 

All governments in India favour employers over working people. The Modi government however has been specially vicious in attacking workers. It has systematically degraded the National Rural Employment Guarantee scheme by starving it of funds. The proposed GST is likely to stoke the fires of already high food inflation even higher. It has dismantled the existing labour inspection system for the sake of ‘ease of doing business’. Its law on Child labour permits children to work in household units. Make in India programme is premised upon Indian labour being cheaper than global competitors. 

The strike call of 2nd September has broken new ground. The trade union movement so far has remained confined to the organised sector which employs only seven percent of the workforce. Workers in the unorganised sector work on contract with no job security. By making the demand for a reasonable minimum wage the main slogan of the strike, trade unions have taken an important first step towards forging the class wide unity of the entire working people. 

New Socialist Initiative stands in solidarity with this strike and wishes it a grand success. The road to a society without capitalist exploitation, and which honours and justly rewards the labour of working people is long and arduous. Nationwide strikes which strengthen working class solidarity are its important milestones.