Thursday, March 30, 2017

Davids have again humbled Goliath: Why no one is celebrating POSCO victory?

- Subhash Gatade

Photo courtesy: The Hindu

Big news - at times - go completely unnoticed.

(Thanks to the mediatised times we are passing through)

And thus it did not appear surprising that the decision by Posco, the South Korean steel giant, the fourth biggest in the world, to exit the proposed 12 million tonnes a year steel plant in Odisha did not cause much flutter. Yes, newspapers duly reported POSCO India's 'request to the Odisha government to take back the land provided to it near Paradip' where it was supposed to invest 52,000 crore Rs.' The letter stated company's 'failure to start work on the proposed plant'. 

Perhaps none from the media wanted to showcase a negative example which is at variance with the efforts by the powers that be to project the idea of 'ease of doing business' here. Undoubtedly at a time when the government is keen to attract foreign capital and inducing it in very many ways, the way in which a Corporate Major - supposed to be one of the leading in the steel sector - had to exit from its project can easily shake their confidence about investing here. Or was it to cover up the fact that over the years how the South Korean Steel Major had dealt a heavy blow to the local environment by felling down more than eight lakh trees at the project site and residents are demanding accountability and compensation over such large-scale environmental destruction. What is more disturbing has been the fact that while the Union Environment Ministry never gave permission to cut the trees the MNC with due help from the local administration and law and order machinery went ahead with it. A case has been filed before the National Green Tribunal about this issue. 

The question arises why did POSCO decide to quit despite receiving continued support from the central as well as the state government? Remember the company had been handed over 1,700 acres of land by the Odisha state for the project and around 1,000 acres of land was still lying with the state which it had acquired for the project. In fact, the Odisha government went ahead with the forcible land acquisition for the steel plant despite the fact that POSCO did not have an environmental clearance for the project. And also the environmental clearance given by the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) on January 31, 2011, had also been suspended by the National Green Tribunal (NGT) on 30 March 2012. 

Whether it had a 'change of heart' about concerns expressed by local people - who were leading and continuing with the struggle which was billed as one of the 'largest social movements in recent times' - about the devastation it had brought out in the lives of the people or the company decided to become 'green' and decided to discontinue the project.

Definitely not.

Photo provided by author
Capital or capitalists never get moved by such humanitarian concerns ( which are exhibited by lesser mortals like us). Soul of capital or capitalists rest in profit only. It is the sole criterion for it to make decisions. (As an aside if capital/capitalist would have been really 'moved' by human misery neither we would have seen giant armament factories manufacturing weapons of death or and human trafficking becoming 'lucrative' business or crores of children slogging out on peanuts).

Monday, March 27, 2017

[Racism Alert] Statement by The Association of African Students in India (AASI)

In yet another brazen instance of racism against Africans in India, a FIR was filed and 5 Nigerian students were baselessly arrested in Greater Noida on charges of murder and cannibalism. Later, on Sunday, after protests by AASI and due to lack of any evidence police released the 5 students from custody. You can read more about this horrendous incident here

AASI members protesting outside the police station in Greater Noida on Sunday. Photo: AASI

Outraged and troubled by these continued racist assaults, harassment and intimidation The Association of African Students in India (AASI) has issued this statement today. 

Statement by The Association of African Students in India

The Association of African students in India is calling on the government of India to taking concrete steps to protect the lives and properties of all African students in India, and especially in Uttar Pradesh following the recent false allegations laid on five Nigerian students.

  • We are tired of the appeasement and promises made by the Indian government and therefore we will be taking stringent actions.
  • Failure to secure the lives of African students and to ensure maximum security in areas where African students live, we will write to the African Union to cut all bilateral trade with India.
  • We will ensure that all the local media houses in our respective countries get details of the growing racism which African students are facing in India.
  • We will ensure that a detailed report on the barbaric racism African students are facing in India is sent to the high levels of all African governments and heads of state.
  • We will ask African students in our respective countries to stop making India their study destination with immediate effect.
  • We will call for a nationwide protest inviting all international media houses.

Samuel T. Jack 
President (AASI)


Saturday, March 25, 2017

UPDATE from POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS) as on 24 March 2016

Picture Courtesy:

Dear Friends,

As you may know from the media about recent the statement by Odisha’s Industry Minister, Devi Prasad Mishra that “POSCO confirmed the withdrawal of its project by requesting the Odisha government to take back the land transferred in its name”. We strongly believe this is not just a victory for our people but also the victory for the all the peasants, fisher folks, forest dwellers who are democratically fighting to protect their land, livelihood and environment. This is a victory against false propaganda, intimidation, false cases and threats of forcible eviction. This is a victory against the invasion by a global capitalist giant like POSCO in partnership with the Central and State Governments. Since this Special Economic Zone (SEZ) project was the largest Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) investment in this country, it has to be treated as a symbol of struggle against globalization and India’s freedom. We sincerely convey our thanks to all activists, organizations, people’s movements, progressive intellectuals, like minded Political Parties, media and concerned individuals who have extended support to our struggle. 

We strongly condemn the Odisha government’s decision that land acquired and transferred to POSCO will be kept in the Land Bank. The statement of Odisha’s Industry Minister, Devi Prasad Mishra in the Assembly of Odisha was “Steps are being taken for fencing the land by Odisha Industrial Infrastructure Development Corporation (IDCO)”. This is illegal, undemocratic, anti-peasants, and unwarranted. The Odisha government must follow the Supreme Court decision on the pattern of Singur where land of farmers acquired by Tata's Nano plant in West Bengal was returned to them.

The government of Odisha must respect the unanimous resolution by Dhinkia Gram Sabha (Panchayat level assembly of adult members) i.e. on 18th of October 2012, where more than 2000 people participated in the meeting and resolved that the land used for beetle vine cultivation is clearly under the rights provided to the Gram Sabha under the Forest Rights Act, 2006. Claims on the forest lands approved and recommended by the Palli Sabhas of villages (Dhinkia, Govindpur…) are still pending for recognition and no step has been taken to recognize their rights. We are strongly determined to reoccupy our farm lands and reconstruct our vineyards for the cultivation of betel leaves. 

Thursday, March 23, 2017

योगी परिघटना -उत्तर प्रदेश में ’हिन्दू राष्ट्र’की दस्तक

स्वदेश कुमार सिन्हा

4 जून 2006 - “जब अयोध्या का विवादित ढांचा गिराने से हमें कोई रोक नही सकातो राम मन्दिर बनाने से कौन रोकेगा.”
“गंगा में मूर्ति विर्सजन के दौरान होने वाला प्रदूषण सबको दिखता है , लेकिन बकरीद के समय हजारो निरीह पशु काशी में काटे गये हैं उनका खून गंगा जी में बहा है क्या यह प्रदूषण नही है” ?

जून 2015 - “जो लोग योग का विरोध कर रहे हैं उन्हे भारत छोड़ देना चाहिए , जो सूर्य नमस्कार को नही मानते उन्हे समुद्र में डूब जाना चाहिए.”

अगस्त 2015“मुसलमानो की आबादी तेजी से बढ़ना खतरनाक रूझान है यह एक चिन्ता का विषय है केन्द्र सरकार को उनकी जनसंख्या घटने के लिए सख्त कदम उठाने चाहिए.”
फरवरी 2015 –“हम पूरे हिन्दुस्तान को हिन्दू बनवा देंगे, पूरी दुनिया में भगवा फहरवा देंगे। मक्का में गैर मुस्लिम और वैटिकन सिटी में गैर ईसाइ नही जा सकते,  हमारे यहाँ  सभी लोग आ सकते है। ’’

अगस्त 2015-  लव जेहादको लेकर योगी जी का एक वीडियो सामने आया था जिसमें वे अपने समर्थको से कहते हैं कि हमने फैसला किया है कि अगर वे एक हिन्दू लड़की का धर्म परिवर्तन कराते हैं तो हम सौ मुस्लिम लड़कियों का धर्म परिवर्तन करायेंगे। बाद में योगी ने इस वीडियो के बारे में कहा कि हम इस मुद्दे पर कोई सफाई नही देना चाहते।

ये योगी आदित्यनाथ के कुछ चुने हुए विवादित बयान हैं अपने उग्र हिन्दुत्व की अवधारणा में संघ परिवार को भी पीछे छोड़ने वाले अजय सिंह विष्ट उर्फ योगी आदित्यनाथ के उत्तर प्रदेश का मुख्यमंत्री चुने जाने पर न केवल देश के धर्म निरपेक्ष मानस अपितु बहुत से ’’उदार हिन्दुत्व ’’ के पैरोकार भी आश्चर्यचकित हैं. वास्तव में इस चयन ने कई पुराने मिथको को ध्वस्त किया है तथा कुछ नये गढ़े भी हैं. सन् 2002 में गोधरा हत्याकाण्ड के बाद समूचे गुजरात में भड़के दंगो ने मुस्लिमो के नरसंहार का योगी ने खुलकर समर्थन किया था, उन्होने गोधरा हत्याकाण्ड के बाद एक विशाल जनसभा में कहा था, “मैने मोदी जी से बात की है और उनसे कहा है कि हमारी तरफ से एक विकेट गिरने पर दूसरे पक्ष की दस विकेट लेना अपने घरो पर केसरिया झण्डा फहराइये और अपने आस-पड़ोस के मुसलमानो की संख्या गिनिये। हमें जल्दी ही कुछ करना पड़ सकता है”,(इण्डियन एक्सप्रेस के वर्गीज जार्ज की रिपोर्ट).

Monday, March 20, 2017

[From the Archives] Hindutva-isation of a Gorakhnath Mutt: The Yogi and the Fanatic

Note: This article was first published in on October 7, 2004

- Subhash Gatade


The last two decades of the 20th century have been witness to the coming to the fore of the careful and planned unfolding of what one sociologist calls 'spatial strategies of Hindutva'. Ranging from the then-obscure looking Ayodhya focussed place/site based strategy in the early 80s to the shameful use of many religious Yatras or the N number of Political Yatras it undertook, it has thus taken under its ambit places/sites, areas as well as routes to spread the homogenising and hegemonic agenda of Hindu Rashtra. No doubt barring a few disasters ( like the recent 'India Shining' Yatra) this strategy has paid rich dividends to the saffron combine.

What can be considered the key elements of this strategy? The 'success' of such a 'place/area/route' centred strategy hinges around basically two things: one the particular site/place should be 'invested with a unique particularity' and two, the 'other' should be implicated in it.

The movement for the 'liberation of Ram Janam Bhoomi' which ultimately led to the demolition of a four-century old year mosque and the biggest communal conflagration in post-independence India to the periodic raising of tempers at Mathura/'Krishnajanambhoomi' or Kashi Vishwanath Temple/Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi can be called the centrepiece of their activities in the 90s. But apart from focussing themselves on these 'sacred places' and further staking claim to 30,000 more similar shrines/mosques/mazars spread all over the country one was also witness to the playing out of the another type of 'place centred interventions' by the Hindutva forces which apparently had 'secular ' overtones. The controversy over the Hubli Idgah Maidan and the attempts to unfurl Tricolour over it had been a case in point. 

Another type of such interventions can be categorised by looking at the changes wrought in at places/ sites which claim a syncretic tradition. The homogenising/hegemonising project of Hindutva has continued with its feverish attempts to destroy the composite character of such places. Baba Buddhan Giri is a case in point. While a few such places have really succumbed to the 'hinduisation' drive but at many places it has been difficult for them to break the communal unity of the broad masses of the people.

A third category of 'place centred' interventions has involved the gradual Brahminisation/Hindutvisation of temples, mutts which had remained outside the Brahminical fold and had their genesis in the revolts of the subalterns in the medieval times against the stranglehold of Brahminism. The way the historic Veershaiva movement started by the great Basava as a cultural rebellion is being slowly co-opted in the Hindutva fold or the way a section of the famous Nath movement is being co-opted in the overall gameplan of the Hindutva forces is for everyone to see.

Definitely the efforts of the Hindutva brigade which have cleverly made plans, provided space, built networks or started agitations supposedly to involve them in their grand project have played an important stimulating/catalytic role in their metamorphosis but these type of 'external' interventions cannot be said to be solely responsible for the ensuing changes. At times one has also been witness to the way the 'internal' dynamic also plays a role in their transformations. Apart from the rising political ambitions of the chief Guru whose influence is widespread, the internal squabbles among the mutts have also played a role in their transformations. At times the growing 'Sanskritisation' of the followers of a particular mutt has also rather forced the chieftains of the mutts to shed a few of its overtly nonBrahminical rituals or introduce a few Brahminical rituals.

This brief write-up focusses on the hinduisation/hindutvaisation of a famous mutt in eastern Uttar Pradesh which has the potential of impacting the regional politics in a big way.


Adityanath, Date of birth: 5 June 1972, Political Experience: Won the Lok Sabha elections in 1998 and 1999 from Gorakhpur. In 1998, Adityanath was the youngest legislator in the 12th Lok Sabha at 26. The young yogi is the successor to former Hindu Maha Sabha president Mahant Avaidyanath at the Gorakhpur temple and is at the forefront of the Hindutva agenda. Education: B.Sc (Maths) from Garhwal University... Pet projects: Education and cow sheds. His office proudly claims that the MP started 18 educational institutions including a polytechnic; and Gorakhpur has 15 cow sheds... His office claims he checked smuggling of beef from his constituency to Bangladesh. 

Meet Hindutva's Young Flag Bearer [Parul Gupta, Friday, April 09, 2004 Times of India]

Sunday, March 19, 2017

Free the Maruti Workers! 13 Maruti Union members given ‘Life Sentence’ for Struggling for Union Formation &Abolition of the Contract Worker System

13 of our brothers have been given ‘life sentences’ – including 12 Maruti Suzuki Workers Union body members – on the baseless charge of ‘murder’ on 18 March afternoon by the Gurgaon Additional Sessions Court. 4 workers given 5 year sentences. 14 workers given 3 years, but have already spent 4 years in prison, so released. Of the earlier acquitted 117 workers who spent over 4 years in Jail, we do not yet know as to who will return the lost years. 148 already spent 4 years in Jail without bail since 2012 without bail and 2500 workers were earlier illegally terminated and then faced continual State repression.

We reject the falsehood that this is an ‘objective judgement’. The Prosecution Case and Judicial Sentence is based on no evidences, false-witnesses and pure class hatred. See here for details of the arguments. Workers had no involvement in the unfortunate death of the pro-worker manager who helped in registering the Union, Mr Avanish Kumar Dev – this is conclusively proved in the legal case from the Defence. The conflict on the day of 18 July 2012 started with a supervisor attacking a Dalit worker Jiyalal – who was later made into ‘prime accused’ in the case – with caste-based abuse, and the worker’s suspension. The entire case is part of management conspiracy to finish off the Union, an attack on the Right to Union Formation itself, and the demands–particularly of abolition of Contract Worker System–it was raising and symbol it became for workers struggle.

The nature of the legal case was informed from the outset by the vitriolic repressive manner in which thousands of workers were continually hounded after 18 July 2012 by the nexus of the management and government, including the Police, administration and labour departments. This Judgement – made in between turning Gurgaon and Manesar into Police camps – is directly anti-worker and heavily influenced by the interests of the Company management, to ‘set an example’, to sow fear and terror among all industrial workers in the country, particularly the belt of Gurgaon to Neemrana in Haryana and Rajasthan. The Prosecution in its final arguments – much similar to the Chandigarh HC order of May 2013 rejecting bail for workers – arguing for ‘death penalty’ for workers, talked of the need of restoring ‘confidence’ of capital, and the Prime Minister’s initiative of inviting global investors for ‘Make in India’. The confidence of these foreign and national capitalists depend on one thing: a cheap and compliant labour force, so no Unions or any raising of demands.

By specifically targeting the entire Union body, this Company Raj wants to tell us that the workers movement, the Right to Union Formation and other Trade Union rights as well as Human Rights of workers in the country will be simply (with illegal and legal means) crushed by capitalists and the State. The attack on our Union body members is been simply because they have been the leadership of the struggle against the management practices of exploitation of labour in the factory and waged a legitimate long struggle for trade union rights and dignity since 2011 with the unity of permanent and contract workers, demanding the abolition of the contract worker system, dignity in the workplace, and an end to exploitative practices by the management. And finally registered our Union on 1 March 2012. This workers assertion was not acceptable to the management and they wanted to crush our Union, especially after submission of the Charter of Demands in April 2012 which argued for abolition of contract worker system. So they conspired and escalated the conflict on 18 July 2012.

The struggle full of vitality and hope gave positive energies for other workers to fight similar exploitation in the industrial region and beyond from Honda to Rico to Asti to Shriram Pistons to Daikin AC to Bellsonica name a few. This collective workers assertion needed to be crushed and ‘taught a lesson’ in the interests of the company managements. Similar conflicts and cases of repression on workers movements have happened from Graziano Transmissions Noida, Regent Ceramics Puducherry, Pricol in Chennai and so on. This Judgement comes in the trail of these repression, increasing its tempo. And so, the industrial areas are being turned into Police Camps.

Wednesday, March 15, 2017

Deendayal in Government Schools : Neglecting Education, Indoctrinating Exclusion

- Subhash Gatade

“DEENDAYAL UPADHYAYA is to the BJP [Bharatiya Janata Party] what Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was to Congress” opined R. Balashankar, former editor of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh’s (RSS) organ Organiser and now a member of the BJP’s central committee, on Prasikhshan Maha Abhiyan. (The Indian Express,; September 24, 2016).
Cows inhale, exhale oxygen, says Rajasthan education minister Vasudev Devnani. (Times of India,; January 17, 2017)

(Photo courtesy:, From left to right – Golwalkar, Deendayal Upadhyay and Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Photo was taken in Mathura during Goraksha/Cow Protection movement, 1965)

Rajaram (name changed) Principal of a school near Jaipur, Rajasthan is a worried man.

An honest teacher all his life, is not able to comprehend the rationale behind the recent order by the state education ministry asking every secondary and senior secondary school to purchase collected works of Deendayal Upadhyay.

Not only that he has never heard this name before but does not know how funds can be managed for the same. The school does not have a proper library till date. The budgetary situation of the school is such that despite repeated demands by the girl students the sole toilet in the school still remains unrepaired.

The circular sent by the state government on 27th February has asked all secondary and senior secondary schools to buy the compendium of essays and speeches titled ‘Deendayal Upadhyay Sampoorna Vangmay' – which has been published by a Delhi publisher in 15 volumes at a concessional rate of Rs 4,000. Schools are asked to draw from the school development fund – meant to be utilised for local needs – to make the purchase. The compendium has been edited by Mahesh Chandra Sharma – former state BJP president – which was released by PM Modi in October last year.

Where can one keep all these 15 volumes and how their purchase can benefit ordinary students – who lack good quality textbooks – he asks himself but does not get a satisfactory answer.

Definitely, as a Principal of a secondary school, Rajaram is not alone who finds himself in such a quandary. There are scores like him spread across the state who have similar questions before them. It need be added that this is not for the first time that state government has ordered/instructed schools to order a particular book which is not at all related to their course. It was only last year that Rajasthan government was in the news when it was reported that a biography of RSS founder-member Dr Hedgewar – written by Rakesh Sinha – should be purchased by every government school.

First, asking to buy Hedgewar’s biography and now instructing to buy collected works of an RSS ideologue, it is becoming increasingly clear that the state education ministry is not concerned about the growing criticism of the status of education in the state but more keen to push what Congress has called ‘saffron agenda’ in schools.

Close on the heels of the order to schools to buy Deendayal’s works came another news – credited to the education minister himself that he has changed the name of Akbar Fort in Ajmer to Ajmer fort. His alleged remarks about Emperor Akbar also created controversy.
Rajasthan Education Minister Vasudev Devnani Saturday indicated that emperor Akbar may have been a terrorist. Devnani made the reference while responding to the alleged threat he received for changing the name of Akbar fort to Ajmer fort. He later denied that he called Akbar a terrorist, and had called him an invader.
                                                                                 (Indian Express, March 5, 2017)

And the biggest problem with all such orders and the debate or the controversy they generate is that the status of education in the state never gets discussed which suffers not only from lack of sufficient funds, good quality teachers and satisfactory infrastructural facilities in all schools but also is inundated with textbooks which as an expert committee said suffer from ‘limitations of content’ and implicit biases.

Sunday, March 12, 2017

[NSI Statement] NSI congratulates the students' struggle in winning the battle against corporate publishers

On 9 March 2017 three well-established academic corporate publishing houses, Oxford University Press, Cambridge University Press and Taylor and Francis withdrew their copyright suit filed in the High Court against Delhi University and Rameshwari Photocopy Shop, a shop stationed at the Delhi School of Economics campus in Delhi University licensed by the University to carry out photocopying work. The suit that was filed in August 2012 on the grounds that photocopying material from books published by the above three publishers by university students, particularly in the compilation of coursepacks, constituted copyright infringement and revenue loss to the publishers. Right from the beginning it was clear this case was treated as a test case to instate a licensing regime, much like one that exists in the US and other First World countries. 

Being the absolute primary constituency to be impacted by such a case and its possible outcomes, students of Delhi University were amongst the first to take up the battle against some of the most powerful publishing houses in academia. The 'Campaign to Save D.School Photocopy Shop' soon became the 'Association of Students for Equitable Access to Knowledge' (ASEAK), reflecting the growing politicisation of the student community on the issue of the knowledge commons in order to resist an increasing attempt across the world to create a market out of it where it didn't as yet exist. This can be seen in the case of Costa Rica as well where there was an attempt to make photocopying illegal, a move that was successfully opposed on a massive scale by students. 

The students of Delhi University, organised as ASEAK, opposed the move through a range of mechanisms, mobilising students from class to class, organising public meetings, taking out protest rallies, campaigning against these publishers at the annual World Book Fair held in New Delhi, influencing public opinion through writing in newspapers, and last but not the least, taking up the legal battle in the courts. NSI hails the struggle of the students that brought to the centre of the debate questions of equity and justice within the arena of production and distribution of knowledge resources, challenging the private property regime sought to be implemented in the sphere of knowledge production by these big academic corporate publishing houses.

Wednesday, March 8, 2017

RadhikaVemula on Bhim Auto: Let us Light a Candle for Rohith

-Subhash Gatade

..The value of a man was reduced to his immediate identity and nearest possibility. To a vote.To a number.To a thing. Never was a man treated as a mind. As a glorious thing made up of star dust.In every field, in studies, in streets, in politics, and in dying and living.
..My birth is my fatal accident. I can never recover from my childhood loneliness. The unappreciated child from my past.

(Excerpts from RohithVemula’s suicide note)


The middle of this month would witness a different type of Yatra on the streets of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. Neither it would be led by high-profile leaders - who have the aura of Z-plus security with them - nor it would be undertaken in an ultramodern bus - fitted with latest facilities and which could even be used as a podium for a public meeting.

It would be taken out on a blue pickup truck renamed Bhim Auto and would be led by a fifty years old woman RadhikaVemula along with her son Raja demanding justice for her elder son Rohith. During this Yatra Radhika intends to visit one Velivada ( Dalit hamlet) after other in these two states to tell people how casteist forces are hell bent upon denying Dalits their due rights and how justice is still being denied to her son who committed suicide because of the machinations of such people. She would also communicate to them that not only the ruling dispensation at the centre led by BJP but the state governments in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana have been callous towards the plight of the Dalits and have joined hands to deny justice to her son. Not some time ago the government of Andhra Pradesh had made outrageous statements about Rohith not being Dalit and earlier in February had demanded that Radhika 'prove' that she is Dalit in 15 days.

Speaking at a rally in Bengaluru RadhikaVemula announced her plan in details:

“On March 14, Raja (her other son) and I will start the Dalit SwabhimanRathYatra. We will travel across Telangana and Andhra for a month and conclude it on AmbedkarJayanti (April 14). We will try and cover every Dalitwada (Dalit settlement) in these two states.” She also exhorted the audience "[t]o revisit what Rohith use to say the radical Ambedkar for 'liberation of dalits.'
She plans to raise two key demands through this awakening programme (-do-): 

- Sacking of Hyderabad University vice chancellor & his prosecution under SC/ST atrocities act 

- Passage of 'Rohith Act' aimed at stopping discrimination in educational institutions. 

Today RadhikaVemula might have become a household name for her uncompromising struggle to render justice to her deceased son but a year and two months back not very many people - barring people from her own village and surroundings - had even heard her name. The mass upsurge which erupted immediately after Rohith's death, demanding justice to him and the manner in which she joined the ongoing struggle, has helped her emerge as a symbol of resistance against the dispensation at the centre. And she has not kept her concerns confined to her deceased son only. She was there when thousands of Dalits and other anti-caste forces and democratic formations gathered in Una, Gujarat on 15th August to demand 'land to Dalits, she joined Fatima Naseem, mother of JNU student Najeeb whose sudden disappearance -after scuffle with the members of ABVP on the JNU campus - has become a cause of concern.